VI Congress of the Comintern: a sharp turn. Footage Sixth Congress of the Comintern

05.12.2023

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INTERNATIONAL SIXTH

COMMUNIST INTERNATIONAL

U S T A V

INTRODUCTORY PART.

Historical reference.

The First International of 1864 became the basis for building a new worldview in the field of social and state world order. The opportunity arose to build a Socialist and Communist society and state.

The Second International, founded in 1889 in Paris, pledged to continue the work of the First International, but in 1914, at the beginning of the world carnage, it collapsed completely. The Second International died, undermined by opportunism and defeated by the betrayals of the leaders who went over to the side of the bourgeoisie.

The third, the Communist International, founded in March 1919 in the capital of the Russian Socialist Federative Soviet Republic, the city of Moscow, solemnly declared before the whole world that it was taking upon itself the continuation and completion of the great work begun by the First International Working Men's Association.

The Comintern was designed to unite workers from different countries of the world. He sought national equality and opposed the oppression of any people. The work of the Comintern was aimed at improving working conditions, increasing the income of workers, and subsequently creating a united front capable of resisting the capitalist world. Its leaders opposed the bourgeoisie and promoted the creation of a socialist society where power belongs to the People.

I.V. had a great influence on the activities of the Comintern. Stalin. In 1924, after the death of V.I. Lenin, he launched a struggle against the ideas of Trotskyism and was able to defend the Leninist course of creating a socialist society and state. The Comintern was the control center for all leaders of the communist parties, so Moscow tightly controlled their work.

The Third International was formed by the Communist movement in Russia with the participation of Jewish Zionist organizations, as a result of which the revolution in Russia in 1917 was carried out by world Jewry, which allowed world Jewry (Zionism) to seize power in the RSFSR, the USSR and the Third International.

Fight I.V. Stalin with world Zionism did not give the necessary result even on the eve of the Second World War, in order to protect the interests of the state and the People of the USSR, I.V. Stalin ordered the dissolution of the Third International and allowing communist parties in other countries to operate independently. After the dissolution of the Comintern, the leaders of communist parties in other countries were forced to determine their position in society themselves and look for their own path of development and existence. The process of world revolution was stopped. The principles of internationalism are an integral part of the communist movement; they are capable of resisting national hatred and racial hostility.

The Fourth International was created by L. Trotsky and existed since 1938. until 1963. In 1963, the Fourth International split into two groups: one supporting the labor movement, and the other supporting liberal Trotskyism. The Fourth International still manifests itself in some countries that support the liberal-Trotskyist ideology.

The Fifth International in 1965 received support from Lyndon LaRouche. In 1994, the “Fifth International of Communists” was created, consisting of small Trotskyist groups that were united around the Movement for a Socialist Movement. In 2003, the League of Revolutionaries of the Comintern called for the final formation of a "Fifth International" in the coming years. The organization itself changed its name to the “League for the Fifth International”. . Today this idea is being actively implemented in the world. In 2007, Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez announced that he would seek to unite left-wing organizations and parties in Latin America. On November 21, 2009 in Caracas, during the first international meeting of leftist forces, Chavez called for the creation of the Fifth International on Venezuelan territory in April 2010, for which a special document was prepared. . According to condition With The 2010 document is signed by Chavez.

To this day, all the tasks and goals set for the international movement created by K. Marx, which throughout the entire time was under the control of the Jewish banking community, acting on the principle “if you want to win, lead it,” have not been officially revealed. From the very beginning, the communist movement was financed by the enemies of the working People - the bankers of the Jewish community. I.V. Stalin was right that the main enemy of the working people and the Communist movement is ZIONISM.

As a result of the mass betrayal of representatives of the CPSU Central Committee, as the leader of the world communist movement, the world communist movement disintegrated into separate independent organizations. Most of the representatives of the world communist movement were struck by the liberal-capitalist virus and ceased to exist. One of the main reasons for the destruction of the Third International was Zionism, which played a leading role in the destruction of not only the world communist movement, but also in the liquidation of the government structures of the USSR and the Warsaw Pact countries.

The cessation of the activities of the Third International and the insolvency of the Fourth and Fifth Internationals, which are unable on their basis to unite the remnants of political parties and movements to restore the Communist and Socialist movement both on the territory of the USSR (Russia) and throughout the World, gives the right to begin the formation of the International Sixth Communist International, as a new World communist movement of the indigenous peoples of planet Earth.

A number of political and ideological mistakes inherent in the creation of previous Internationals and the Communist movement in Russia in the form of party and republican governance, based on the philosophical teachings of K. Marx, F. Engels and the works of V.I. Lenin (Ulyanov) to build a socialist and communist society and state, did not allow the communist movement in the USSR (Russia) and throughout the World to achieve a positive final result. As a result, countries that had embarked on the path of socialist development once again fell under the total dependence of the Zionist Anglo-Saxon capitalist world, under their harsh financial, military and ideological enslavement. The mistake in building a socialist society and state was that communist ideas remained ideas and were not placed in favorable soil for germination. For any idea, the basis is the People, but not the figurative or abstract understanding of it as the People, but the real indigenous Peoples who live on their ancestral lands, who will be the bearers of the idea on their land, who will perceive this idea as their own, the People's. And only when every indigenous People or Nationality in every state is confident that this idea gives them and their children confidence in the future, when these People see and feel every day, every hour, care for the People, that is, for every representative of their People, then only then will the People prove to be fertile ground for ideas. The communist movement both in the USSR (Russia) and throughout the World is like a tree from under which the soil was washed and pulled away, exposing its roots and it slowly dried up. Therefore, the new worldview ideology will be built on four basic principles and laws of the universe: Truth, Conscience, Justice and Love, which will be instilled through education in the indigenous Peoples of the USSR and the whole World. Only on four legs will the stool be stable, and the International Communist Sixth International will create precisely these four foundations, on which the entire worldview and life structure of the new state and society will be built. Each of these four foundations of the universe will be spelled out for everyone - from a child to an elder, from a small organization to government governance structures.

Yes, the communist movement in Russia (USSR), as well as throughout the world, suffered a major defeat and split into small parties and groups. Yes, now in the era of a unipolar World, Zionism and the Anglo-Saxon states have seized all the key positions in the leadership of many countries, and have brought under their control all the resources and subsoil of all countries of the World belonging to the indigenous Peoples.

However, the International Communist Sixth International has vast experience, acquired during the construction of the world's first socialist state, the USSR, for the further construction of fair socialist states and societies, waging an ideological hybrid war, which takes full responsibility for the fate of all indigenous Peoples and Nationalities on the planet Earth, undertakes to protect the rights and freedoms of every representative of the Indigenous People and Nationalities living on the ancestral lands of their ancestors, and accepts the following

CHAPTERI. Basics International Communist Sixth International.

Preservation and protection of the purity of the population of every People, Nationality on planet Earth with the protection of their foundations, rituals, customs, the universe and the world order.

Article 2. The New International Union has been given the name “International Sixth Communist International of the Indigenous Peoples of the Earth” (hereinafter referred to as the International).

Article 3. All parties, movements, organizations included in the International of Fraternal Indigenous Peoples bear the name: “Communist International Union” of such and such a country. Example "Communist International Union of Germany".

Article 4. The supreme body of the International is the World Congress (congress) of all parties, movements and organizations of the indigenous Peoples of the planet Earth that are part of it. The World Congress (Congress) meets at least once a year. Only the World Congress (Congress) has the right to change the Program of the Sixth Communist International of the Indigenous Peoples of the World. The World Congress (Congress) discusses and resolves the most important programmatic and tactical issues related to the activities of the International. Representatives from indigenous Peoples and Nationalities of the planet Earth take part in the World Congress (Congress). Representing the interests of one People to representatives of another People is categorically prohibited (a Pole cannot represent the interests of the Germans, and a Jew or Hindu cannot represent the interests of the Russian Peoples). The number of representatives with voting rights for each People united in a party, movement or organization at the World Congress (Congress) is determined by a resolution of the Congress (Congress) depending on the number of indigenous Peoples in proportion. Small Peoples or Nationalities represent at the Congress (Congress) one representative with the right to vote and one with the right to an advisory vote.

The Congress does not have the authority to make changes to the following foundations of the Sixth International: Indigenous Peoples are the basis of the International, chronology from the Creation of the World in the Star Temple, the world order on planet Earth based on the principles of truth, conscience, justice and love,

Article 5. The World Congress (Congress) elects a permanent Executive Committee (Presidium) of the International, which is the governing structure of the International in the periods between World Congresses of the International, and which is accountable only to the World Congress (Congress).

Article 6. The permanent Executive Committee (Presidium) of the International is located on the territory of the USSR in the city of Vladimir. The holding of the next International Congress of the International is determined by the previous Congress on the territory of the member countries of the International.

Article 7. An emergency World Congress (Congress) of the International can be convened either by resolution of the permanent Executive Committee, or at the request of 1/3 of the membership of the International of the previous World Congress (Congress), or, in an emergency, by decision of the Presidium of the Congress (Congress) ).

Article 8. The structures of the Executive Committee of the International consist of the indigenous Peoples of all countries who are the founders of the International.

Indigenous Peoples, representing parties, movements, organizations as founders of the International, are included in the Executive Committee in the amount of no more than 3 of their representatives with a casting vote. In addition, the Executive Committee of the International includes one representative with a casting vote from each People or Nationality, the list of which is approved by the next World Congress (Congress) of the International. The remaining parties, movements and organizations of indigenous peoples admitted to the International have the right to submit one representative with the right of advisory vote to the Executive Committee.

Article 9. The permanent Executive Committee (Presidium) consists of 33 people, of which!/3 represent the indigenous Peoples of the USSR, and the remaining 2/3 are elected by open voting from other indigenous Peoples of other states. The Presidium directs all the work of the International between Congresses (Congresses), publishes the Central Organ of the International (the magazine and newspaper “International”) in no less than six languages, issues the necessary appeals on behalf of the International and gives binding directives to all those parties, movements and organizations that are members of the International. The Executive Committee of the International has the right to demand from affiliated parties, movements and organizations the exclusion of groups and individuals violating world discipline, as well as to expel from the International parties, organizations and movements that violate the decisions of the World Congress (Congress). These parties have the right to appeal to the World Congress (Congress). If necessary, the Executive Committee organizes its technical and other auxiliary bureaus in various countries, which are completely subordinate to the Executive Committee. Representatives of the Executive Committee carry out their political tasks in close contact with the Central Committee of the International of the given country.

Article 10. The Executive Committee of the International has the right to receive into its midst, with an advisory voice, representatives of organizations and parties that are not accepted into the International, but are organizations that sympathize with the International and are approaching it.

Article 11. The structures of all parties, movements and organizations belonging to the International and listed as sympathizers with the International are obliged to print all official decisions of the International and its Executive Committee.

Article 12. The general situation in the World dictates to the International the need to create illegal organizations and movements in parallel with the legal organization. The Executive Committee is obliged to ensure that this is carried out in all spheres of society. Illegal organizations and structures created by the International carry out their activities to collect information and ensure security for the International and all its participants.

Article 13. All the most important political relations between the individual structures included in the International are conducted through the Executive Committee of the International.

Article 14. Trade unions based on communism and socialism and united on an international scale under the leadership of the Executive Committee of the International form professional sections of the International. These trade unions send their representatives to the World Congresses of the International through the structures of these countries. The Trade Union Section of the International delegates one of its representatives to the Executive Committee of the International with a casting vote. The Executive Committee of the International has the right to send a representative with a casting vote to the trade union section of the International.

Article 15. The Youth International is a full member of the International and is subordinate to its Executive Committee. One representative of the Executive Committee of the Youth International with a casting vote is delegated to the Executive Committee of the International. The Executive Committee of the International has the right to send a representative with a casting vote to the executive structure of the Youth International.

Article 16. When moving from one region to another, each representative of the International receives fraternal support from local representatives of the International.

ChapterII. Goals and objectives of the International.

The goals and objectives previously set by previous Internationals, based on the ideology and teachings of Marxism, and then Leninism, could not gain a foothold in society and were not implemented due to the lack of connection to the bearer of intelligent life on Earth - to the indigenous People of the planet. The construction of a socialist and communist society and state does not have an end result due to the absence of the very bearer of this idea and teaching. However, the First Internationals gained extensive experience in building a new type of society and state, which is taken into account in this Charter. Previously, in the ideology of the Internationals, the very meaning of indigenous Peoples was relative and abstract and remained only an idea that did not have a specific assignment to any People or Nationality. However, the consolidation of superiority for any one People has already been tested in Germany and Italy during the creation of the National Socialist Party, which led to the manifestation of fascism and genocide in relation to other Peoples. Also, consolidating the religious advantage of one People over another leads to religious fascism and genocide. Therefore, the Sixth Communist International places as its basic foundation the International Union of Indigenous Peoples and Nationalities of the planet Earth to build a new worldview and world order for all indigenous Peoples of the Earth with equal rights to life and to their own determination. Interference by representatives of one People or Nationality in the interests of other Peoples is PROHIBITED and must be strictly controlled and suppressed by the Congress and the International, up to the exclusion from the International and blockade of the territories of Peoples who show aggression towards other Peoples and Nationalities.

Article 17. The priority areas of activity of the International are:

The first is ideological (lies, hypocrisy or truth, truth, conscience, justice), the International is based on the principles of truth, justice, conscience and justice.

The second is chronological (history, direction of processes). The International is based on the restoration of historical truth in all processes of the world order.

The fourth is economic (submission to money, interest on loans). The International denies interest on loans and supports lending on an interest-free basis.

Fifth - weapons of genocide (alcohol and other drugs, GMOs) The International opposes the manifestation of all forms of genocide and any negative impact on Humans,

Sixth - weapons of destruction (military method) The International is the main World structure for containing and preventing wars and military conflicts between Nations. .

This will make it possible to form a new ideological worldview of the International.

Article 18.Mistakes of previous Internationals and the Communist movement in the USSR.

In the creation of previous Internationals, the main role was played by representatives of Jewish Zionism, who, through the International, set as their goal the seizure of world domination in the management of all states and Peoples through the theory and teachings of K. Marx and F. Engels.
IN AND. Lenin developed the theory of building socialism in Russia, but to implement this idea there were no financial resources and personnel support to organize the overthrow of the autocracy and the class of capitalist exploiters. He found financial support from foreign bankers under the control of the Jewish community (Zionists). The overthrow of the Russian autocracy was facilitated by the Jewish revolution, which formed its own government, consisting mainly of Jews involved in world Zionism. And only I.V. By 1936, Stalin managed to break the back of Jewish Zionism in the USSR and dissolve the Third International for the security of the state.
In 1953, liberal Trotskyists with Jewish roots, having killed I.V. Stalin, again gained access to power, and began to entangle the state structures for managing their personnel, which became the reason for the liquidation of the state administration of the USSR and the seizure of power over all the energy and raw materials resources of the USSR by Transnational Companies managed by the Jewish community.
Ideological erosion and elimination of the foundations, rituals, customs and cultures of indigenous peoples through ideas that did not serve to strengthen and protect the rights and freedoms of each indigenous people. Lack of support for each indigenous people of the Earth, as the main carrier of intelligent life on Earth, for building a socialist and communist society and state.
The liquidation of public administration in the USSR began in 1953, when a group of conspirators from representatives of the CPSU Central Committee, having killed the Head of State, seized power and changed the course of development of the state from communist to liberal-democratic Western interpretation. The gradual introduction of persons with Jewish family roots into the government structures led to a split in the Government and the Central Committee of the CPSU. As a result, from 1990 to 1993, occupation rule under the control of Zionism was established on the territory of the USSR.

Article 19. The International, through its structures, provides assistance and solves the problems of all indigenous Peoples and Nationalities of the planet Earth in the following areas:

Protection of rituals, customs, foundations, religion, culture, worldview and way of life of any indigenous people on the ancestral lands of their ancestors.
In cases of natural disasters.
In the provision of food in the event of crop failure or other food loss.
Providing any humanitarian assistance.
Providing medical care.
Providing assistance in building a fair life
Providing assistance in education
Providing military assistance to protect the interests of indigenous Peoples from interference in their affairs by other states professing aggression and violence towards other Peoples.
Providing economic and material assistance for the development of our own agro-industrial complex.
Protection of the territorial borders of the indigenous Peoples from any interference by other states and peoples changing these borders.

ChapterIII. Rights and Freedoms of Indigenous Peoples and Nationalities

Article 20. Every indigenous People and Nationality has all the rights and freedoms to express their will for self-determination, as well as to preserve their rituals, customs, foundations, religion, culture, worldview and way of life on the ancestral lands of their ancestors.

Article 21. Every indigenous People (or Nationality) that is part of any state or republic is obliged to treat with respect and patience the rites, customs, foundations, religions, culture, worldview and way of life of any other indigenous People living on their ancestral lands their ancestors located in any state or republic.

Article 22. Rights and freedoms of every indigenous People or Nationality living within a state or republic. must be legislated by that state or republic.

Article 23. Every small indigenous People or Nationality has the right to participate in the life of the state in which they live on an equal basis with the state-forming indigenous People.

Article 24. Every indigenous People or Nationality has the right to seek help from the International or other indigenous People for help and protection, regardless of territorial location, differences in the world order and worldview.

Article 25. Live in peace and harmony with other indigenous peoples on the principles of truth, conscience, justice and mutual assistance.

Article 26. Economic and material relations between indigenous Peoples and Nationalities living in one state or republic are determined by internal treaties, agreements and legislation of that state or republic.

ChapterIV. The International prohibits:

Article 27. Interference of one indigenous People or Nationality in the internal affairs of another indigenous People or Nationality without their consent.

Article 28. Seize or attack the territories of other indigenous Peoples or Nationalities for the purpose of changing territorial boundaries and forcibly enriching themselves at the expense of the wealth and funds of other indigenous Peoples or Nationalities.

Article 29. Forced use of human labor by other indigenous Peoples or Nationalities.

Article 30. Exploitation of man by man in any form of manifestation, as well as infringement and insult of the rights and freedoms in any form of manifestation of one or one indigenous people in relation to another indigenous people or nationality is prohibited.

Article 31. It is prohibited to recognize the culture (rites, customs, foundations, religion, culture, worldview and way of life) of one indigenous People or a Nationality superior to the culture of other indigenous Peoples and Nationalities.

ChapterV. Ideological basis of the Sixth Communist International

Article 32. Inaction and state crimes committed by individual representatives of states against all humanity, consisting of the indigenous Peoples of the World, led to a geopolitical and planetary catastrophe on planet Earth. The government of the USSR and the Central Committee of the CPSU, with the support of Zionist and Anglo-Saxon organizations, in 1991 destroyed the state management structures of the USSR throughout the territory of the Soviet Union, which served to create a unipolar world of evil and violence. As a result, the World of Socialism, the last hope of all Nations for protection from aggression from countries based on the teachings of Zionism, professing evil and violence, was destroyed. A number of political and ideological mistakes inherent in the creation of previous Internationals in the form of total party and republican control, based on the philosophical teachings of K. Marx, F. Engels and the works of V.I. Lenin (Ulyanov) to build a socialist and communist society and state, did not allow the previous Internationals to achieve a positive result. The result was fragmented, poor states and poor, hungry peoples.

The mistake in building a socialist society and state was that communist ideas remained ideas and were not placed in favorable soil for germination. For any idea, the basis is the Indigenous People, but not a figurative or abstract understanding of it as a People, but namely the real Indigenous Peoples who live on their ancestral lands, who will be the bearers of the idea on their land, who will perceive this idea as their own - the People's. And only when every indigenous People or Nationality in every state is sure that this idea gives them and their children confidence in the future, when this People will see and feel every day, every hour, care for its indigenous People (that is, about every representative of the People ), then only then will the People prove to be fertile ground for ideas. The communist movement, both in the USSR (Russia) and throughout the World, is like a tree from under which the soil was washed and pulled away, exposing its roots, and it slowly dried up. Therefore, the new worldview ideology will be built on four basic principles and laws of the universe: Truth, Conscience, Justice and Love, which will be instilled through education in the indigenous peoples of the USSR. Only on four legs will the stool be stable, and the task of the Communist Sixth International is to create precisely these four foundations on which the entire worldview and life structure of new states and societies will be built. Each of these four foundations of the universe will be prescribed for everyone, from a child to an elder, from a small organization to government government structures.

Article 33. The defense of the International and socialist societies and states will be carried out according to the following six priorities:

The first is ideological(lie, hypocrisy or truth, truth, conscience, justice, love) ,
The second is chronological(history, direction of processes) ,
The third is factual(religions, teachings – processing of consciousness) ,
Fourth – economic(submission to money, loan interest) ,
Fifth - weapons of genocide(alcohol and other drugs, GMOs)
Sixth - weapon of destruction(military method) .

All of them must be taken into account as a whole, and not each separately, because by neglecting at least one of them, we leave a gap for the enemy’s actions.

Application.

The project proposal Charter of the “International Sixth Communist International” was prepared by the State Coordination Council of the Executive Commissions of the USSR and recommended to all indigenous Peoples and Nationalities of states and republics, Communist parties, movements and associations of the communist and socialist worldview, all citizens of the USSR who were previously members of the CPSU and Komsomol structures, soldiers , sailors, officers of the Soviet Army, Aviation and Navy, who took the Military Oath in service to the Soviet Socialist State and the Working People, to take an active part in the study, discussion of this Charter and in the creation of a unified Communist movement on the basis of the Sixth Communist International.
The public People's newspaper "Vladimirskaya Rus" will place on its pages a section under the heading "Materials of the International Sixth Communist International", where it will publish articles and comments on the formation of the International Sixth Communist International.

The project is ready. initiative group

Central Committee

State Coordination Council

Executive Commissions of the USSR

Head: Viktor Aleksandrovich Mishin

Details

Page 12 of 29

VI CONGRESS OF THE COMINTERN AND THE STRUGGLE FOR COMMUNISM

(transmitted by telegraph)

THE SIXTH CONGRESS IS HIGHLY IMPORTANT

The work of the Sixth Congress of the Communist International is of exceptional importance for the development of the communist movement. The importance of the work of the congress is indicated, first of all, by its order of the day. The Congress discussed and made decisions not only on the main issues of the international situation, but also gave a document defining the long-term prospects of the proletarian struggle - the program of the Communist International. In addition, the congress made the most important decisions on the issue of measures to combat the danger of imperialist wars, but on issues of the revolutionary movement in the colonies and, finally, on the situation of the USSR and the CPSU(b).

I must immediately make a reservation that it is impossible to present even the most basic decisions of the congress in a report on the results of the congress. I will have to focus on points that give a general description of the work of the congress. Naturally, special attention will have to be paid to the program and decisions that assess the current moment in the development of international relations and determine the political line of the Comintern for the next stage.

But first we need to give at least the most general description of the congress itself.

The composition of the congress reflected the growth of the international communist movement. If representatives from 49 communist parties were present at the V Congress, then at this congress there were representatives from 58 communist parties, that is, 9 communist sections more. But what is especially important is the fact that this time delegates from most communist parties took an active part in the work of the congress. This was reflected in the plenary sessions, and even more so in the work of the congress commissions. However, the very composition of speakers at the congress emphasizes the active participation of many parties in the work of the congress.

It is known that, along with Comrade. Bukharin, who acted as a rapporteur on general issues of the international situation and on the program of the Comintern, on two other issues - military and colonial - a number of comrades associated with the main sections of the Comintern gave reports and co-reports. So, on the military issue, in addition to the main speaker, Comrade. Bell (England), co-reports were made by the following: Barbe (France), Schneller (Germany) and Loveston (North-Am. United States). On the colonial issue, in addition to the main speaker, Comrade Kuusinen (Finland), the co-rapporteurs were Comrade Ercoli (Italy), Strakhov (China), Sikander (India), Humbert-Droz (Switzerland). On the issue of the CPSU(b) and the USSR, the speakers were Comrades Varga and Manuilsky. Just the list of speakers suggests that the experience of all major communist parties was presented here. In addition, in this same sense, it is important that the active participation of delegates in discussing reports and elaborating decisions was especially widespread this time. The nature of the collective work of the Comintern can be further illustrated by the fact that according to the original draft program, about a thousand written major and minor amendments and changes were made in a relatively short period of time (however, a certain part of them were introduced by party members who were not among the congress delegates). These amendments made it possible to make a number of significant additions, and partly changes, to the original text of the program, as a result of which the program undoubtedly improved significantly.

At the congress there was a lively discussion on a number of major issues. Thus, dwelling only on individual major examples, one could name the following topics that were discussed in connection with the program: the role of financial capital, the social foundations of reformism, the nature of fascism, the prospects for bourgeois-democratic revolutions, the main types of countries in connection with the possibility of their transition to the dictatorship of the proletariat, the problem of NEP and war communism. When discussing the immediate tasks of the Comintern, special attention was paid to the issue of the “third period” - the development of post-war capitalism and the issue of internal and external contradictions of imperialist states, in connection with the special significance of the issue of military danger. The discussion of the colonial issue gave rise to a large discussion about the so-called theory of “decolonization” and the role of the national bourgeoisie in the colonies. It is impossible to dwell on the substance of the discussions on these issues here. It should be noted, however, that a characteristic feature of the decisions of the Sixth Congress is complete unanimity. The work of the congress lasted one and a half months. The results of this work are unanimous decisions on all issues. As you know, the main decisions of the Congress have already appeared in the press. The rest will be published in the coming days.

PROGRAM OF COMMUNISM

IMPORTANCE OF THE PROGRAM ADOPTION

Let me move on to the main decisions of the Congress. It is clear that the program takes first place in these decisions.

For the first time, the Comintern adopted its program. This is an event of exceptional importance for the entire international labor movement. Unlike other decisions of the Comintern, which define certain immediate tasks of international communism, the program of the Comintern defines the general tasks and main paths of international communism for the entire era of the revolutionary struggle for the world dictatorship of the proletariat. Before the adoption of the program, the Comintern was limited to decisions that determined the prospects for the struggle of the proletariat in connection with certain specific tasks of the proletarian revolution or in connection with general tasks for the coming period. The adoption of the program means establishing our basic prospects for the entire era of the international socialist revolution. Marx said that the era of the international proletarian revolution would span one and a half, two, and maybe five decades. (“Fifteen, twenty, fifty years of civil and international wars”). The very foundation of the Communist International meant that world history had already entered this era. Its beginning was opened by the great October Revolution. The October Revolution, in turn, gave impetus to the development of the revolutionary movement of the proletariat in other countries and awakened powerful revolutionary ferment in the colonies. This era, which began eleven years ago, posed a fundamental task for the Communist International, the task of scientifically summarizing the experience of the international proletarian revolution that began in October 1917, in connection with a general analysis of the development of modern capitalism and the main prospects of the international struggle for communism.

The adoption of the program means that from now on we have in our hands a bright torch, or rather a powerful spotlight, illuminating the course of development and prospects for the entire era of the international proletarian revolution. The fact of the adoption of the program of the Communist International is a new sign that we truly stand with both feet in the era whose name is the era of international socialist revolution.

The very fact of the approval of the Comintern program, which scientifically generalizes the experience of the international labor movement and the revolutionary movement of the oppressed peoples in the colonies, means that communism has already become an international force that is confidently paving its practical and principled path to complete victory.

In the entire history of mankind, not a single class has so far had a unified international program of action. No class has been capable of this until now. Only the working class, which puts on its banner the destruction of the very system of dividing society into classes, that is, the destruction of classes, finally developed its own international program of action, an international program of struggle for the communist reconstruction of human society. In the past, even from relatively distant times, individual great people appeared with dreams and utopias about the transformation of society “on a fair basis”, with dreams and utopias about the communist reorganization of society. One could, as an example, refer to a whole galaxy of remarkable utopian socialists of the first half of the nineteenth century. But these people and the small sects of their supporters grouped around them were not able to create anything resembling an international program of action to fight for such a transformation of the social order. But already the “Communist Manifesto” of Marx and Engels laid the foundation for the future program of the Communist International. And only now was the Comintern able to give the first experience of the program of international communism itself. Having now a scientifically substantiated program of the Comintern, the world proletariat is opening a new and, at the same time, most important page in its struggle for communism.

It is characteristic that the Second International not only does not have its own program, but does not even pose this question to itself. Despite the fact that the First World Imperialist War clearly showed that, despite the depth of contradictions in the system of modern imperialism, the capitalist system is developing in the direction of strengthening world ties, and the post-war period further emphasized the fact of the development of the world capitalist economy, increasingly connecting individual capitalist states with each other , and that, on the other hand, the development of the mass struggle of the proletariat in individual countries has brought the international proletariat face to face with the solution of fundamental problems on a global scale; the so-called “socialist” International is alien to the very idea of \u200b\u200bdeveloping an international program. While the Comintern has been preparing its program over the past five years, the Second International has and does not want to have any international program. The components of the Second International, represented by the national social-democratic parties, are each so tightly united with “their” bourgeoisie that the Second International does not even have the need for an international program. With this, the Second International once again proves that it is by no means a proletarian international, but that in fact it is completely captive to an ideology alien to the working class, the ideology of the bourgeoisie, the ideology of the exploiters, and that modern Social Democracy, indeed, has turned into a party only in words “working class”, but in reality thoroughly bourgeois. It is clear that such a “socialist” International, which is nothing more than the ideological rump of the decaying capitalist class, has no need to develop an international program for the struggle for socialism.

The fact of the adoption of the Comintern program means that, with all the national diversity of the communist movement, the conditions for an international communist revolution are already ripe, that the working class has realized the main tasks and ways to overthrow capitalism, and that the Communist International is the true leader and leader of the international proletarian revolution, which now has a global scientific a well-founded program of action for the entire era of the struggle for the victory of communism. The adopted program is the first experience in this area, but it is, at the same time, a product of the work of the Comintern over the past several years. As is known, the discussion of the program issue began at the Fourth Congress in 1922. The Sixth Congress will go down in the history of communism, first of all, as the congress that first approved the program of international communism. With the advent of the program, world communism unfurls the banner of the struggle for the revolutionary overthrow of imperialism, the abolition of classes, and the abolition of all exploitation of man by man. As the embodiment of the international experience of the proletariat, at the same time as a cluster of the most important achievements of the scientific theory of communism, the program of the Comintern will become the basis of the world communist movement for the entire era of the international proletarian revolution.

BASIC IDEA OF THE PROGRAM

What is the main idea of the Comintern program? This basic idea is that the program of the Comintern is the program of the world proletarian dictatorship. In the program you can find only a relatively short chapter about the ultimate goal, about world communism. The program does not set out to describe in detail what a communist society will be like. As consistent Marxists, we stand on the scientific basis of dialectical materialism, the spirit of which permeates the entire program, therefore we cannot engage in prophecies and fortune-telling about the construction of a future communist society. Thoroughly hostile to each and every variety of ideological understanding of history, the program covers only the main milestones of the communist system that will replace decaying capitalism.

On the other hand, the program provides a detailed analysis of modern capitalism and an analysis of its imperialist era. It says everything basic both about the roots of modern capitalism and about the conditions and prospects for its development. At the same time, the analysis of the world capitalist system reveals the nature of its modern development and its approaching inevitable death. In this analysis, special attention is focused on the general crisis of capitalism and the associated fact of deterioration of the position of the working class and the working masses in general, and the first phase of the world revolution unfolding in connection with this. The actual history of capitalism over the past decade, especially in the light of the world imperialist war, clearly reveals the hopelessness of the current general crisis of capitalism. The growing exploitation of the working class and colonial peoples and the associated growing intensification of the class struggle are increasingly unleashing the powerful forces of the international proletarian revolution. The growth of contradictions in modern capitalism, the formation of the USSR, and the huge breakthrough already created in the world imperialist system practically bring to the forefront the fundamental issues of the struggle of communism against capitalism.

The era of the general crisis of capitalism is especially characterized by the dominance of fascism in individual countries and the spread of fascist methods to more and more states. Fascism, on the banner of which is written, first of all, the defeat and destruction of the revolutionary proletarian vanguard, in fact reveals to the end the essence of the bourgeois dictatorship in modern society. Fascism, replacing bourgeois democracy with methods of direct bourgeois dictatorship, only emphasizes the hopelessness of the modern crisis of capitalism. The logic of the development of the fascist regime not only does not lead to a softening of the class struggle, but, on the contrary, with all the force and certainty it brings the fighting classes to the root problem - the problem of power. Despite the direct and indirect support of social democracy, fascism not only cannot strengthen the power of capital, but even more acutely raises the question of the revolutionary overthrow of the bourgeoisie and the question of the dictatorship of the proletariat. The rule of fascism in Italy rests on the convict regime against the revolutionary elements of the working class. Fascism is following the same path in Poland. The methods of fascism, inextricably linked with the intensification of repression against the working class, can only lead to an intensification of the class struggle, which at a certain moment will tear and destroy the fascist shell of the capitalist regime with exceptional force. Now twenty and thirty years of hard labor fascist sentences against communist leaders only intensify the feeling of proletarian revenge against the doomed regime of domination of capitalist exploiters.

The crisis of capitalism in modern conditions is global in nature. Imperialism has transformed capitalist states into something interconnected on a global scale.

Individual parts of the capitalist system now live in close connection with the main centers of modern capitalism. In the system of modern capitalism, internal contradictions in individual countries are increasingly turning into contradictions of an international order. There is not a single economically developed country that is not connected to the world market and is not under the influence of one of the most powerful capitalist states.

In turn, the contradictions between the largest imperialist countries not only do not soften, but are increasingly deepening. At the center of international contradictions was the struggle between two capitalist giants: Great Britain and the United States. The conditions for the development of capitalism increasingly raise the problem of the hegemony of the capitalist giants of the world imperialist system. In connection with the nature of the modern development of the capitalist system, especially in connection with the inevitable intensification of the struggle between world capitalism and the first socialist state, the working class is faced with the problem of the world dictatorship of the proletariat. The significance of the program lies, first of all, precisely in the fact that it theoretically and practically opposes world communism with its banner for the victory of the world proletarian dictatorship to world imperialism. The program of the Comintern, which is the basis for the programs of the communist parties of all countries, is the program of the world dictatorship of the proletariat.

At the same time, the program had to take into account the fact of the existence of the still isolated socialist state, the USSR. Unlike previous projects, the adopted program devoted a special chapter to the question of the dictatorship of the proletariat of the USSR. This chapter provides an analysis of the conditions and prospects for the development of the Soviet Union and, in connection with this, highlights both the question of the significance of the USSR and its international revolutionary responsibilities, and the question of the responsibilities of the international proletariat in relation to the USSR. The program highlights the fundamental question of the possibility of the victory of socialism initially in one or several countries. Now not only in certain resolutions of the communist parties and the Comintern, but also in the program of the Communist International itself, this problem is clearly highlighted. Moreover, in the program, the largest chapter of which is the chapter on the transition period from capitalism to socialism, a general description is given of the main types of revolution during the period of the struggle for the world dictatorship of the proletariat. The program gives a corresponding schematic division and some examples of the three main types of countries. The first type includes countries of high capitalism (USA, Germany and England), in which the immediate task is the struggle for the dictatorship of the proletariat. The program also indicates another type of country, namely colonial and semi-colonial countries (China and India), as well as dependent countries (Argentina, Brazil), in which, at least as a rule, there are still no conditions for independent socialist development. Finally, between these two types, the type of countries with an average level of capitalist development is indicated (Spain, Portugal, Poland, Hungary and the Balkan countries), where there is a certain minimum of material prerequisites for socialist construction, but where bourgeois-democratic transformations have not yet been completed and therefore, according to at least in relation to some of them, a certain period of bourgeois-democratic development cannot be excluded.

The program points to these three main types of countries in connection with the prospects of the struggle for the world proletarian revolution. With these instructions, although in the most condensed form, the program concretizes the path of the victorious struggle for world communism

(Ends tomorrow)

Many people know that the Communist International is an international organization that united communist parties from different countries in 1919-1943. Some people call this same organization the Third International, or the Comintern.

This formation was founded in 1919, at the request of the RCP (b) and its leader V.I. Lenin for the dissemination and development of the ideas of international revolutionary socialism, which, in comparison with the reformist socialism of the Second International, was a completely opposite phenomenon. The gap between these two coalitions occurred due to differences in positions regarding the First World War and the October Revolution.

Congresses of the Comintern

Congresses of the Comintern were not held very often. Let's look at them in order:

First (Constitutive). Organized in 1919 (March) in Moscow. It was attended by 52 delegates from 35 groups and parties from 21 countries.
Second Congress. Held from July 19 to August 7 in Petrograd. At this event, a number of decisions were made on the tactics and strategy of communist activity, such as models of participation in the national liberation movement of communist parties, the rules for the party’s entry into the 3rd International, the Charter of the Comintern, and so on. At that moment, the Department of International Cooperation of the Comintern was created.
Third Congress. Held in Moscow in 1921, from June 22 to July 12. 605 delegates from 103 parties and structures attended this event.
Fourth Congress. The event took place from November to December 1922. It was attended by 408 delegates sent by 66 parties and enterprises from 58 countries. By decision of the congress, the International Enterprise for Assistance to Revolutionary Fighters was organized.
The fifth meeting of the Communist International was held from June to July 1924. The participants decided to turn the national communist parties into Bolshevik ones: to change their tactics in light of the defeat of the revolutionary uprisings in Europe.
The Sixth Congress was held from July to September 1928. At this meeting, the participants assessed the political world situation as transitional to the new stage. It was characterized by an economic crisis that spread throughout the planet and an intensification of class struggle. Members of Congress managed to develop the thesis of social fascism. They made a statement that the political cooperation of the communists with both the right and left social democrats was impossible. In addition, during this conference the Charter and Program of the Communist International were adopted.
The seventh conference was held in 1935, from July 25 to August 20. The basic theme of the meeting was the idea of consolidating forces and fighting the growing fascist threat. During this period, the Workers' United Front was created, which was a body for coordinating the activities of workers of various political interests.

Story

In general, communist internationals are very interesting to study. So, it is known that the Trotskyists approved the first four congresses, the supporters of left communism only the first two. As a result of the campaigns of 1937-1938, most sections of the Comintern were liquidated. The Polish section of the Comintern was eventually officially dissolved.

Of course, the political parties of the 20th century underwent a lot of changes. Repressions against figures of the communist international movement who found themselves in the USSR for one reason or another began even before Germany and the USSR entered into a non-aggression pact in 1939.

Marxism-Leninism was very popular among the people. And already at the beginning of 1937, members of the directorate of the German Communist Party G. Remmele, H. Eberlein, F. Schulte, G. Neumann, G. Kippenberger, leaders of the Yugoslav Communist Party M. Fillipovich, M. Gorkich were arrested. V. Chopic commanded the fifteenth Lincoln International Brigade in Spain, but when he returned, he was also arrested.

As you can see, communist internationals were created by a large number of people. Also, a prominent figure in the international communist movement, the Hungarian Bela Kun, and many leaders of the Polish Communist Party - J. Pashin, E. Pruchniak, M. Kossutska, J. Lenski and many others were also repressed. Former Greek Communist Party A. Kaitas was arrested and shot. One of the leaders of the Communist Party of Iran, A. Sultan-Zadeh, received the same fate: he was a member of the Executive Committee of the Comintern, a delegate of the II, III, IV and VI congresses.

It should be noted that the political parties of the 20th century were distinguished by a lot of intrigue. Stalin accused the leaders of the Communist Party of Poland of anti-Bolshevism, Trotskyism, and anti-Soviet positions. His speeches were the cause of physical reprisals against Jerzy Czeszejko-Sochatsky and other leaders of the Polish communists (1933). Some were repressed in 1937.

Marxism-Leninism, in fact, was not a bad teaching. But in 1938, the Presidium of the Executive Committee of the Comintern decided to dissolve the Polish Communist Party. The founders of the Communist Party of Hungary and the leaders of the Hungarian Soviet Republic - F. Bayaki, D. Bokanyi, Bela Kun, I. Rabinovich, J. Kelen, L. Gavro, S. Szabados, F. Karikas - found themselves under a wave of repression. The Bulgarian communists who moved to the USSR were repressed: Kh. Rakovsky, R. Avramov, B. Stomonyakov.

Romanian communists also began to be destroyed. In Finland, the founders of the Communist Party G. Rovio and A. Shotman, General First Secretary K. Manner and many of their associates were repressed.

It is known that communist internationals did not appear out of nowhere. For their sake, more than a hundred Italian communists living in the Soviet Union in the 1930s suffered. They were all arrested and transported to camps. Mass repressions did not pass by the leaders and activists of the communist parties of Lithuania, Latvia, Western Ukraine, Estonia and Western Belarus (before their annexation to the USSR).

Structure of the Comintern

So, we have looked at the congresses of the Comintern, and now we will look at the structure of this organization. Its Charter was adopted in August 1920. It was written: “In essence, the International of Communists is obliged to actually and truly represent a worldwide unified communist party, separate branches of which operate in each state.”

It is known that the leadership of the Comintern was carried out through the Executive Committee (ECCI). Until 1922, it consisted of representatives delegated by the Communist Parties. And since 1922 he was elected by the Comintern Congress. The Small Bureau of the ECCI appeared in July 1919. In September 1921 it was renamed the Presidium of the ECCI. The ECCI Secretariat was created in 1919 and dealt with personnel and organizational issues. This organization existed until 1926. And the Organizational Bureau (Orgburo) of the ECCI was created in 1921 and existed until 1926.

It is interesting that from 1919 to 1926 the Chairman of the ECCI was Grigory Zinoviev. In 1926, the position of chairman of the ECCI was abolished. Instead, the ECCI Political Secretariat of nine people appeared. In August 1929, the Political Commission of the Political Secretariat of the ECCI was separated from this new formation. She was supposed to prepare various issues that were subsequently considered by the Political Secretariat. It included D. Manuilsky, O. Kuusinen, a representative of the German Communist Party (agreed with the Central Committee of the KKE) and O. Pyatnitsky (candidate).

In 1935, a new position appeared - Secretary General of the ECCI. It was occupied by G. Dimitrov. The Political Commission and the Political Secretariat were abolished. The ECCI Secretariat was reorganized.

The International Control Commission was created in 1921. She checked the work of the ECCI apparatus, individual sections (parties) and was engaged in auditing finances.

What organizations did the Comintern consist of?

Profintern.
Interrabpom.
Sportintern.
Communist Youth International (CYI).
Krestintern.
Women's International Secretariat.
Association of Rebel Theaters (International).
Rebel Writers Association (international).
International of Freethinking Proletarians.
World Committee of Comrades of the USSR.
Tenants International.
The international organization for assistance to revolutionaries was called MOPR or “Red Aid”.
Anti-Imperialist League.

Disbandment of the Comintern

When did the dissolution of the Communist International occur? The date of official liquidation of this famous organization falls on May 15, 1943. Stalin announced the dissolution of the Comintern: he wanted to impress the Western allies, convincing them that plans to establish communist and pro-Soviet regimes on the lands of European states had collapsed. It is known that the reputation of the 3rd International by the beginning of the 1940s was very bad. In addition, in continental Europe, the Nazis suppressed and destroyed almost all cells.

From the mid-1920s, Stalin and the CPSU(b) personally sought to dominate the Third International. This nuance played a role in the events of that time. The liquidation of almost all branches of the Comintern (except for the Youth International and the Executive Committee) in the years (mid-1930s) also had an impact. However, the 3rd International was able to retain the Executive Committee: it was only renamed the World Department of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks.

In June 1947, the Paris Conference on Marshall Aid took place. And in September 1947, Stalin created Cominform from the socialist parties - the Communist Information Bureau. It replaced the Comintern. In fact, it was a network formed from the communist parties of Bulgaria, Albania, Hungary, France, Italy, Poland, Czechoslovakia, the Soviet Union, Romania and Yugoslavia (due to disagreements between Tito and Stalin, it was removed from the lists in 1948).

Cominform was liquidated in 1956, after the 20th Congress of the CPSU. This organization did not have a formal successor, but the OVD and CMEA, as well as regularly held meetings of workers and communist parties friendly to the USSR, became such.

Archive of the Third International

The Comintern archive is kept in the State Archive of Political and Social History in Moscow. Documents are available in 90 languages: the basic working language is German. There are reports from more than 80 parties.

Educational establishments

The Third International owned:

Communist Workers' University of China (KUTK) - until September 17, 1928, it was called the Sun Yat-sen Workers' University of China (UTK).
Communist University of the Toilers of the East (KUTV).
Communist University of National Minorities of the West (KUNMZ).
International Lenin School (ILS) (1925-1938).

Institutions

The Third International ordered:

Statistical and Information Institute ICKI (Bureau Varga) (1921-1928).
Agrarian International Institute (1925-1940).

Historical facts

The creation of the Communist International was accompanied by various interesting events. So, in 1928, Hans Eisler wrote a magnificent anthem for him in German. It was translated into Russian by I. L. Frenkel in 1929. In the chorus of the work the words were repeatedly heard: “Our slogan is the World Soviet Union!”

In general, when the Communist International was created, we already know that it was a difficult time. It is known that the command of the Red Army, together with the propaganda and agitation bureau of the Third International, prepared and published the book “Armed Uprising.” In 1928, this work was published in German, and in 1931 - in French. The work was written in the form of a textbook on the theory of organizing armed uprisings.

The book was created under the pseudonym A. Neuberg, its real authors were popular figures of the revolutionary worldwide movement.

Marxism-Leninism

What is Marxism-Leninism? This is a philosophical and socio-political doctrine about the laws of the struggle for the elimination of capitalist orders and the construction of communism. It was developed by V.I. Lenin, who developed the teachings of Marx and applied it in practice. The emergence of Marxism-Leninism confirmed the significance of Lenin's contribution to Marxism.

V.I. Lenin created such a magnificent teaching that in socialist countries it turned into the official “ideology of the working class.” The ideology was not static; it changed and adapted to the needs of the elite. By the way, it also included the teachings of regional communist leaders, which were important for the socialist powers led by them.

In the Soviet paradigm, the teachings of V.I. Lenin are the only correct scientific system of economic, philosophical and political-social views. Marxist-Leninist teaching is capable of integrating conceptual views regarding the study and revolutionary change of earthly space. It reveals the laws of development of society, human thinking and nature, explains the class struggle and forms of transition to socialism (including the liquidation of capitalism), talks about the creative activity of workers engaged in building both communist and socialist societies.

The largest party in the world is the Chinese Communist Party. She follows in her endeavors the teachings of V.I. Lenin. Its charter contains the following words: “Marxism-Leninism has found the laws of the historical evolution of mankind. His basic principles are always true and have a powerful vital force.”

First International

It is known that the Communist Internationals played the most important role in the struggle of working people for a better life. The International Working People's Association was officially named the First International. This is the first international working class formation, which was founded on September 28, 1864 in London.

This organization was liquidated after a split that occurred in 1872.

2nd International

The 2nd International (Workers or Socialist) was an international association of workers' socialist parties, created in 1889. It inherited the traditions of its predecessor, but since 1893 there have been no anarchists among its members. For continuous communication between party members, the Socialist International Bureau was registered in 1900, located in Brussels. The International made decisions that were not binding on its member parties.

Fourth International

The Fourth International is an international communist organization alternative to Stalinism. It is based on the theoretical heritage of Leon Trotsky. The objectives of this formation were the implementation of the world revolution, the victory of the working class and the creation of socialism.

This International was founded in 1938 by Trotsky and his associates in France. These people believed that the Comintern was completely controlled by the Stalinists, that it was not able to lead the working class of the entire planet to the complete conquest of political power. That is why, in counterbalance, they created their own “Fourth International,” whose members at that time were persecuted by NKVD agents. In addition, they were accused by supporters of the USSR and late Maoism of illegitimacy, and were pressed by the bourgeoisie (France and the USA).

This organization first suffered a split in 1940 and a more powerful split in 1953. Partial reunification took place in 1963, but many groups claim to be the political successors of the Fourth International.

Fifth International

What is the "Fifth International"? This is a term used to describe left-wing radicals who want to create a new international workers' organization based on the ideology of Marxist-Leninist teaching and Trotskyism. Members of this group consider themselves devotees of the First International, the Communist Third, the Trotskyist Fourth and the Second.

Communism

And in conclusion, let’s figure out what the Russian Communist Party is? It is based on communism. In Marxism, this is a hypothetical economic and social system, which is based on social equality, public property created from the means of production.

One of the most famous internationalist communist slogans is the saying: “Workers of all countries, unite!” Few know who first said these famous words. But we will reveal a secret: this slogan was first expressed by Friedrich Engels and Karl Marx in the “Manifesto of the Communist Party.”

After the 19th century, the term "communism" was often used to refer to the socio-economic formation that Marxists predicted in their theoretical works. It was based on public ownership created from the means of production. In general, the classics of Marxism believe that the communist public implements the principle “To each according to his skills, to each according to his need!”

We hope that our readers will be able to understand the Communist Internationals with the help of this article.

8. VI Congress of the Comintern

In the summer of 1928, attention to internal political issues faded into the background for some time in connection with the preparation for the convening and holding of the VI Congress of the Comintern, held in Moscow from July 17 to September 1, 1928. This was the first congress in which Trotsky, who was one of the founders of the International, and the first congress that took place after his expulsion from the party and the Comintern.

The previous V Congress was convened four years ago. The very fact of convening an international communist forum after such a long break (until 1922, congresses were convened annually, despite the extreme difficulties with which foreign delegates traveled to the Soviet capital) indicated that the Soviet government was paying less and less attention to the Comintern, although it continued to consider it as a foreign policy branch of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks. The Comintern was now called upon to ensure the obedient implementation of the Politburo's directives by the Communist Parties and to cut off elements who disagreed with the instructions of the Soviet government and with the very fact of governing the Communist Parties from Moscow.

The Congress considered questions about the danger of an imperialist war, about the revolutionary movement in colonial and semi-colonial countries, about the situation in the USSR and in the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks, about the statutes of the Comintern. But a particularly important issue was the consideration of the draft program of the International. The work on writing a new program was led by Bukharin. Basically, it was they who wrote the text itself. At the congress, Bukharin led the work of the program commission and spoke several times on the program issue. As far as one could judge from the informal statements of the leaders of the main European communist parties, the congress delegates were dissatisfied with Bukharin’s project. The head of the Italian delegation of Togliatti and the French representative Maurice Thorez complained that at one time the ill-fated theory of building socialism in one country was “slipped” to them for unanimous adoption, that they were trying to hide from them the current disagreements in the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks and at the Congress about They learn in a roundabout way that Bukharin’s report and his theses did not outline any real prospects for the practical activities of the communist parties, that the leadership of the latter is constantly being pulled from above by contradictory directives. Togliatti also stated that “the level of the congress and speakers is below any criticism. Ceremonial assurances of loyalty to the Comintern. Boring and sad." Thorez added that “there is growing concern, dissatisfaction and skepticism among our delegation. We are concerned about the content of Bukharin’s report, as well as what it does not say or does not say clearly enough.”

Stalin was also dissatisfied with Bukharin’s project. At Stalin’s request, the delegation of the All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks) demonstratively introduced over two dozen amendments to Bukharin’s theses (which it could have done earlier, before the start of the congress, without humiliating Bukharin publicly and without drawing the attention of the other communist parties to Bukharin’s disagreements with Stalin on issues of the Comintern and foreign policy). The amendments introduced and adopted strengthened the leftist course, generally characteristic of the decisions of the congress, and paid special attention to the solidity of the ranks of the Communist parties. In particular, the program pointed out the particular danger of left-wing social democracy (luring away members of the Communist parties) and the need to maintain “iron discipline” in parties, that is, to combat any manifestations of factionalism.

All this was reported to Trotsky in Alma-Ata by his secret supporters, who had the opportunity to communicate with foreign delegates and then forward written reports on meetings and even informal transcripts of conversations to Trotsky. At the same time, at official meetings, the delegates showed servile unanimity and uniformity. Discussions at Comintern congresses are a thing of the past. Open dissident communist oppositionists were simply not allowed to attend the congress, and those who did find their way there or became critics of the Soviet Comintern policy already in Moscow did not have the opportunity to speak and were only looking forward to their departure from the USSR in order to express their true views already abroad, without putting your life in danger from the OGPU authorities.

Believing that the opposition is able, if not to change the course of the international communist movement, then at least to some extent to influence it, Trotsky sent letters to Rakovsky, Smilga, Radek, Preobrazhensky and Beloborodov on May 9. He proposed that the opposition send a collective message to the Congress, in which they would set out their attitude not only to the international situation, but also to the internal policy of the leadership of the CPSU (b): “The statement should not ignore the current official attempts to escape from the quagmire - but also no diplomacy , lies and falsehood, corrupting hooliganism in the spirit of Zinoviev - Kamenev - Pyatakov, selfish, bureaucratic, completely irresponsible, Pontiepilatovsky washing of hands in the spirit of Krestinsky or Smerdyakovsky groveling in the spirit of Antonov-Ovseenko. The statement should raise the question of the deadly mistakes since 1923 - Bulgaria - Germany - Estonia - England - China."

Bearing in mind the shift to the left that was emerging in the party leadership, “caused by us,” Trotsky proposed putting forward to the Congress a demand for the return of oppositionists to the party, subject to an obligation on the part of the opposition to maintain discipline and not create factions. It was precisely by the pressure of the opposition that Trotsky explained the changes in the party course, which he defined as “slowing down in the process of sliding.” The official Stalinist course increases the chances of the party’s recovery, pointed out Trotsky, for whom the “right-wing” Bukharin became the main opponent.

Trotsky's position was met with restraint. Some, like Radek, had long been thinking about complete “surrender”, and they had no time for appeals to Congress. In the end, Stalin generally accepted the program of the left opposition at its core, and it was difficult to understand the subtleties and details while in exile. Others, the most stubborn and persistent, believed that the turn of Stalin’s course was insignificant, and that involving the communist forum in the internal party discussion was in all cases wrong and ineffective. Sosnovsky wrote to Radek on May 18 that the oppositionists, silent in different corners of exile, “speak immeasurably more and vote invisibly at different plenums,” that ignoring the new measures of the Central Committee is “stupid and harmful,” but one must keep in mind that the Soviet, bureaucratized to the extreme, the party, trade union and cooperative apparatuses will reduce every matter to “anti-proletarian tracks.” Reluctantly agreeing with the preparation of an address to Congress, Sosnovsky believed that it should be “written with dignity.” Beloborodov considered any appeal to be “capitulation,” being confident that the “zigzag” would be as short-lived as “other jumps to the left from the right path.”

In June 1928, Trotsky nevertheless sent several of his documents to the VI Congress. The first of these was an extensive, book-length material entitled “Critique of the Program of the Communist International.” The timing of this work is not entirely clear. At the end of the text is the date “July 1928”. In the archival copy, June 28 is indicated as the completion date. It can be assumed that at the beginning of July Trotsky completed the revision of the text and only after that sent it to Moscow. Following this, on July 12, an extensive commentary on the International's program document was sent to Congress under the heading “What Next?” On the same day, another statement from Trotsky was sent to the Congress. In addition, Trotsky touched upon the problems of the VI Congress in a number of “circular” and individual letters.

Somewhat earlier than Trotsky, judging by the correspondence, Preobrazhensky prepared his theses under the title “What should be said to the Congress of the Comintern.” He sent them to Trotsky, and sent them to many other exiles. In contrast to Trotsky’s very voluminous documents, Preobrazhensky’s theses were only a few pages. They retained the traditional criticism of the course of the official party leadership, but at the same time, the entire tone of the document and especially its conclusions sounded completely new. Without yet committing to direct “capitulation”, striving to act within the limits of the solidarity of the exiled oppositionists, Preobrazhensky - one of Trotsky’s most educated and erudite comrades-in-arms - expressed the opinion that the danger of a further turn of the party’s policy to the right is eliminated by the transition of its leadership to an active struggle against the kulak. The author of the theses noted a decrease in disagreements between the opposition and the Central Committee on a number of issues of international and domestic politics. “We are ready to make all our efforts to support every step of the Central Committee along the path of Leninist policy, we want to make peace with the majority of the party on the basis of a new course, we ask the Congress to return us to the party, in the ranks of which we will loyally and sincerely fulfill our obligation not to resort to factional activity” - this is how Preobrazhensky concluded this remarkable address.

Trotsky was very alarmed by Preobrazhensky’s initiative, for he felt from the letters of his other comrades that they too were tempted to try to return to the party and return to active work, having gotten rid of exile. While maintaining a benevolent tone in his correspondence with Preobrazhensky and deliberately devoting his response letter of May 24 mainly to everyday and current affairs, without criticizing Preobrazhensky’s theses on the merits, Trotsky at the same time referred to the negative attitude towards Preobrazhensky’s document on the part of other exiles. He cited the text of two telegrams he received. One of them was from a group of exiles from the village of Kolpasheva, Tomsk province, including those signed by Smilga and Alsky; the other is from Ust-Kulom (Komi Republic) from Beloborodov. The first telegram said: “We resolutely reject Evgeniy’s proposals and assessment, respond immediately.” The second read just as unquestionably: “We consider Eugene’s proposals to be incorrect.” “In any case, out of a good hundred votes, only three people spoke in favor of Preobrazhensky’s theses,” Trotsky wrote to Rakovsky. So, for the time being, it seemed that we were able to basically maintain the solidarity and unanimity of the majority of the exiled oppositionists and their unity around Trotsky’s irreconcilable guidelines.

Having received Preobrazhensky’s theses in the midst of his work on new documents for the VI Congress, Trotsky gave them a particularly sharp and polemically pointed form, addressing them not only to the Comintern Congress and the leadership of the CPSU(b), but also to his own supporters. He believed that it would be necessary to make a collective appeal from the opposition. He wrote to his like-minded friend Bagdasarov, who was in exile in Chimkent, that “the meaning of the statement is: to express what is. No exaggeration, no ignoring the current official attempts to escape from the quagmire, but also no diplomacy, falsehood, depraved politicking in the spirit of Zinoviev, Kamenev, Pyatakov.”

In a letter to Rakovsky dated July 14, Trotsky admitted that working on documents for the Comintern Congress was a kind of distraction from severe mental suffering, from deep grief associated with the recent loss of his youngest daughter. "That was hard. But on the other hand, the need to do this work at all costs served as a kind of band-aid and helped carry the burden through the first, most difficult weeks.” Saying that he came up with a book of eleven printed pages, Trotsky did not attribute the initiative to create it only to himself. In his words, he sought to summarize “what was the fruit of our collective work over the last five years, when Lenin stepped away from the leadership of the party and when reckless epigonism reigned, which at first lived on the interest from the old capital, but soon expended the capital itself.”

In other words, Trotsky considered the documents prepared for the VI Congress of the Comintern as a kind of summary of all the theoretical, journalistic, denunciatory, protest activities of the opposition, starting in 1923, when the opposition in the literal sense did not yet exist, but a discursive-critical stream was emerging in Bolshevism, whose adherents, considering themselves the true successors of Lenin, entered into a courageous struggle against what later took shape as Stalinism.

Trotsky's documents criticizing the program and all the activities of the Comintern were hidden by the delegation of the CPSU (b) both from the majority of participants in the congress and from the party. But nevertheless, Trotsky’s typewritten manuscript in a highly abbreviated form was printed in several copies as a secret document and distributed to members of the program commission without indicating the author on the title page, but with the original title, and the members of the commission were informed who exactly this text was written . As if in mockery of both the document itself and the members of the commission, they were informed: the material issued to them is not given for discussion, but for information purposes and is not subject to discussion. The idea to print the abbreviated text of the document in several copies apparently belonged to Bukharin, and the representative of the US Communist Party at the Congress, James Cannon, even suggested that the appearance of the document in the program commission of the Congress displeased Stalin and became another reason for Bukharin’s removal from affairs.

“Criticism of the Program of the Communist International” consisted of three sections. They were devoted to general issues of the international revolution in contrast to Stalin’s course towards building socialism in one country; general features and characteristics of the strategy and tactics of the communist movement in the modern era; results, prospects and lessons of the Chinese revolution. Trotsky based his criticism on the absolute position for him that “the international communist program is in no way the sum of national programs or a summary of their common features.” Based on this, he left no stone unturned from the Bukharin project, which, in his opinion, ignored the new role of the United States in the world, its pressure on Europe, and considered it completely unacceptable to remove the slogan of the Soviet United States of Europe from the draft program of the Comintern.

Trotsky repeated, expanded, and further argued the criticism of the theory of socialism in one country, confirming his commitment to the concept of permanent revolution on an international scale. Emphasizing the dependence of the USSR on the world economy, on the international market, Trotsky argued that in Bukharin’s project, “revolutionary-historical dialectics was replaced by a petty-reactionary utopia of closed socialism, which is built on low technology, developing at a “snail’s pace” within national borders connected with the outside world only fear of intervention.” The theory of socialism in a particular country was considered as “a source of social-patriotic wanderings” (this was the title of the special section “Critics”). Trotsky here insightfully noticed the nationalism of the Stalinist leadership, which was still just beginning to take shape, whose behavior was compared with the course of the official leadership of German Social Democracy during the First World War. Internationalism is turning, the critic argued, into a scholastic cover for deliberate falsehood.

Moving on to criticizing the strategic and tactical guidelines of the Comintern, Trotsky first of all focused on the characteristics of the modern era, the definition and analysis of which were absent from the project. He rejected the primitive idea that the revolutionary character of the era lies in the possibility of seizing power at any given moment. He saw the revolutionary nature of the era “in deep and sharp fluctuations, in abrupt and frequent transitions from a directly revolutionary situation... to the victory of a fascist or semi-fascist counter-revolution, from this latter to a temporary regime of the golden mean, in order to then again bring the contradictions to the razor’s edge and pose the question head-on about power."

Considerable attention in criticism was paid to the attitude towards bourgeois-democratic, social-democratic parties and “fascist” organizations. At the same time, Trotsky, just like all the leaders of the communist movement, and a significant part of the democratic public, understood fascism broadly - not as a specifically Italian phenomenon, but as the right, reactionary political wing of the bourgeois and petty-bourgeois strata of various countries. However, in direct contradiction to the official communist guidelines, Trotsky began to directly contrast fascism with the democratic bourgeoisie and social democracy, which turned out to be very important for understanding the essence of right-wing extremist movements and determining ways to combat them, although in this matter Trotsky retained an obvious “class bias” . He wrote in his “Critique” that the position about the identity of social democracy and fascism is “ridiculously simplified”, that with such an identity the leadership of the Comintern completely crosses out not only the political difference between these forces, but also the difference between open civil war and the “period” normalization of the class struggle: “We can say that social democracy is the left wing of bourgeois society, and this definition will be absolutely correct if we do not forget that social democracy still leads millions of workers and, to a certain extent, is forced to reckon with ... the interests of his deceived proletarian client. But it makes no sense to define social democracy as the “moderate wing of fascism”... For the simplest political orientation, one must not lump everything together, but distinguish that social democracy and fascism are poles - united in moments of danger- bourgeois front, but poles».

But if danger count not in minutes, but in years or count this danger a permanent factor, Trotsky's theory of common poles - social democracy and fascism - becomes identical to Stalin's approach to this problem. Once again, Stalin simply stole Trotsky’s idea, adapting it to his own program.

Trotsky dwelt in detail on the zigzags and turns in the Comintern course, on the unfounded, as he believed, sharp turns from leftism to the right course and vice versa, calling it “ultra-left politics in right-wing leaps and bounds” (as he called one of the chapters of his “Critique”). With his characteristic imagery, he made an interesting comparison here: “A person needs one kind of movement when he goes up the stairs, another when he goes down them. The most dangerous situation is when a person, having put out a candle, raises his leg to climb up, while there are steps down in front of him. Falls, bruises, and dislocations are inevitable here.” In confirmation of this, already familiar examples were cited - the disasters of the communist movement in Germany, Bulgaria, Estonia, the defeat of the Canton uprising of 1927. Trotsky dwelt in particular detail, however, on the failure of Stalin’s right-wing combinations, in particular in connection with the Chinese revolution and the Anglo-Russian Committee.

While not abandoning in principle a flexible, maneuverable line of behavior, Trotsky at the same time rejected maneuverability as a basic political principle serving to conclude unprincipled deals with those whom he considered class-hostile forces. At the same time, he drew attention to the fact that of all the “maneuverable combinations”, the winners in recent years were precisely those whom he classified as “class enemies” - Chiang Kai-shek in China, the trade unionist Purcell in Great Britain, the “kulak” within the USSR. Throwing a stone at the so-called “Bukharin school”, which during this period still supplied theoretical arguments to Stalin, despite the fact that serious disagreements had already arisen between Stalin and Bukharin, the author wrote: “Whole broods of young, maneuverable academicians were brought up who, under the Bolshevik flexibility They understand mainly the elasticity of their own back.”

Regarding the reasons for the defeat of opposition movements both within the CPSU(b) and in other communist parties, Trotsky tried to find them in social, class and political factors, but, of course, not in the shortcomings of his own policies and tactics. It is quite clear that even if he was aware (it is unlikely that he could not understand this at all) of his inconsistency, his commitment to party unity until the first half of 1926, his readiness to compromise with Stalin in 1926, 1927 and even 1928. , he could not and did not want to utter words of confession and repentance in his address to the VI Congress of the International. This fundamentally contradicted the very spirit and mentality of the organizer of the October Revolution. Hence the general reasoning regarding the results of the internal party struggle, hence the dry, unconvincing, but categorical general conclusion: “The growth of economic and political pressure from the bureaucratic and petty-bourgeois strata within the country against the backdrop of the defeats of the proletarian revolution in Europe and Asia - this is the historical chain that has been tightening during these 4 years on the neck of the opposition. Anyone who doesn’t understand this doesn’t understand anything.”

There were no fundamentally new considerations in the section of “Critics” devoted to the Chinese revolution, its character and lessons. Here again we were talking about the national-bourgeois essence of the Kuomintang, including its left wing, about the need to apply the theory of permanent revolution to Chinese conditions, about the reactionary nature of the idea of “two-part” (worker-peasant) parties not only for China, but for the East as a whole . To sum up, Trotsky proposed something completely utopian, which he himself could hardly believe in, which could only cause the grin of his opponents and the bitter disappointment of his supporters: refuse to discuss the program at the VI Congress, hold the VII Congress a year later and, restoring “ normal regime,” to begin a real discussion of the program at the new congress, contrasting Bukharin’s eclectic “Leninist” project. It was understood that this “Leninist” project would be based on a text written by Trotsky. “We need to plow the entire field with the deep plow of Marxism this year. Only as a result of such work will the international party of the proletariat be able to receive a program, that is, a great beacon that illuminates the past with the right light and casts reliable rays far into the future,” Trotsky wrote literary.

The remaining documents of Trotsky, addressed to the VI Congress, were of an additional nature, without significantly expanding the objects and nature of criticism. In the letter “What’s next?” essentially summed up the criticism of the program. In addition, Trotsky raised the question of why the Comintern congresses had not met for more than four years, and explained that this was done in order to administratively change the policies and personnel of the International, presenting the new congress with a fait accompli. As a result, the Comintern found itself in the hands of the Politburo and the Secretariat of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks. At the same time, quite artificially, the last period of development of the International was contrasted with the previous one, when the decisive role in the development and adoption of Comintern decisions, up to 1922 inclusive, was played by Lenin and Trotsky. Now we are talking about “the purely behind-the-scenes organizational apparatus omnipotence of the Secretariat of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party, which was not even mentioned under Lenin and which Lenin sternly warned against in his last party councils,” Trotsky wrote, once again forcing the reader to remember Lenin’s documents about disloyal, rude Stalin, who concentrated immense power in his hands and was subject to removal from the post of General Secretary and transfer to another, less responsible post. Trotsky was clearly speculating here on the name and authority of Lenin, forgetting to point out that the Comintern from the first days of its existence was under the absolute control of the Bolshevik leaders and it was they who made up the majority of the first composition of the Executive Committee of the Comintern, and then continued to exert a decisive influence on its policy in open and behind-the-scenes ways .

Finally, in a document entitled “Statement,” Trotsky raised the question of “the restoration of the Bolshevik-Leninists (opposition) in the party on the basis of a clear and precise presentation” of their “views on the current situation and on the tasks of the Communist International.” Emphasizing the difficulties of communication between exiles and the impossibility for this reason of developing a unanimous collective appeal, Trotsky was at the same time convinced that his document basically expressed the views of “the overwhelming majority of supporters of the opposition platform.” Repeating the main points of criticism of the leadership’s policies within the country and in the international arena, Trotsky here focused on the fact that the opposition, being expelled from the party and finding itself outside the party ranks, “does not free itself from party responsibilities”, does not abandon its platform, believes in defending the main provisions of this document are completely compatible with the unity of the party. Trotsky proposed an alliance with the centrists (Stalin) in the fight against the “right” (Bukharin and Rykov). “Further struggle for ideas and proposals of the platform is the only correct serious and honest support for all any serious steps of the center. Only under this condition can one have serious hope that the party will be able to use the methods of party reform to transform the center-left zigzag of the leadership into a truly Leninist course,” he wrote.

Did Trotsky believe that Stalin would lean towards an alliance with him and his supporters, turning away from Bukharin and Rykov? It can be assumed that he believed. In any case, Trotsky did not see anything unnatural or wrong in this turn of events. He continued to look up to Stalin, as a party official in need of his ideas, and repeatedly witnessed how the gray centrist Stalin quietly stole Trotsky's thoughts and proposals, presenting them to the party masses as his own. Devoid of vanity in this sense and ready to forgive any theft, as long as it was carried out in the interests of the world revolution, Trotsky was ready to forgive Stalin any human meanness, cunning, and deceit. However, by the summer of 1928, having almost completely taken control of the party and state apparatus, having expelled from it not only the oppositionists, but also simply unreliable ones, Stalin had already so firmly secured for himself a decisive position in the party and the leadership of the country that he was able to cope with the so-called “ right" without any help from the "left", led by his worst personal enemy.

It cannot be said that the materials Trotsky sent to the Congress did not make any impression on its delegates. Although during the preparation of the congress a very careful selection of delegates was carried out, they had to choose from those who were actually included in the governing bodies of the Communist parties, and among them there were people of different persuasions, including those who sought to understand what was happening. American delegate James Cannon, who was one of the members of the program commission, together with William Foster, defended the Stalinist course in his party, fighting the factional activities of Jay Lovestone, who was close in views and sympathies to Bukharin. After becoming acquainted with Trotsky's documents, Cannon went over to Trotsky's side. At the congress, he met with the representative of the Canadian communists, Maurice Spector, who over the past years, in the depths of his communist soul, that is, secretly, sympathized with Trotsky. Cannon and Spector concluded that “the document explained to them many of the “secrets” of how the international movement functioned, its subordination to the Stalinist bureaucracy and Stalin’s ever-increasing power over the International,” and agreed upon returning to their countries to launch propaganda for Trotsky’s ideas, while without thinking, however, about creating parallel communist parties in the USA and Canada.

It was difficult even for members of foreign communist parties to get out of the “red capital”. Upon arrival in Moscow, the delegates handed over their foreign passports to the “special department” of the Comintern. To get them back, you first had to return all the “secret documents” received during the congress. In an effort to bring Trotsky’s Critique to America at all costs, at least in the abridged form in which it was issued to them, the North American communists simply stole the copy of the Australian delegate Wilkinson, giving him the unenviable prospect of getting out of the situation. Upon returning to the United States, Cannon introduced the Critique to his close friends, Martin Abern and Max Shachtman, and managed to convince them of the correctness and accuracy of Trotsky’s analysis of the international situation and the world communist movement. After this, all three launched corresponding campaigns not only in the United States, but also in the West.

This was facilitated by a voluminous (more than 350 pages) collection published in 1928 by Max Eastman, which included the platform of the opposition and a number of other documents of the left opposition. The collection was published under the title “The Current Situation in Russia.” Shachtman and Cannon visited Eastman to meet him and express their gratitude to him for the publication. Touched, Eastman even gave his royalties for the book to the American communists. It amounted to several hundred dollars, a huge amount of money at that time.

It is not known whether any other participants in the VI Congress went over to Trotsky’s side, but it was after the congress that organizations of his supporters began to form in different countries. The congress itself obediently carried out Stalin’s will, adopting the resolution “The Case of Trotsky, Sapronov and others,” and declared membership in the “Trotskyist opposition” incompatible with being a member of the CPSU(b). The content of the opposition platform was declared counter-revolutionary. The resolution also indicated that Trotsky and his supporters were continuing “their schismatic work and their slanderous campaign against the CPSU(b) and against the proletarian dictatorship.” The petitions of Trotsky, Radek, Sapronov and others for reinstatement in the party were rejected.

The VI Congress of the Comintern was the next milestone in the battle between Stalin and Trotsky. Stalin's omnipotence in the USSR, formally consolidated by the XV Party Congress, was now complemented by dominance over the international communist organization, which became the reliable conductor of Stalin's policies abroad. The disintegration of the opposition, which began with the first expulsions, entered a decisive stage, ultimately leading to the fact that Trotsky found himself in complete isolation within the country. In a letter to Rakovsky dated July 14, he cautiously, while maintaining some optimism, expressed a forecast for the future: “It is very likely that the Stalin-Bukharin-Rykov bloc will retain the appearance of unity at this congress in order to make a last hopeless attempt to cover us with the most “final” gravestone . But it is precisely this new effort and its failure that can extremely speed up the process of differentiation within the bloc, because the day after the congress the question will arise even more clearly: what next?”

And although Trotsky foresaw the collapse of the fragile alliance of the centrist Stalin with the “right” Bukharin and Rykov, Trotsky’s mention of the “gravestone” suggested very sad thoughts. Asking the question “What’s next?”, he didn’t seem to know the answer himself. Moreover, for the first time he did not try to pretend that he knew. Only one person could guess about his future these days: Stalin.

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