Why was Bismarck forced to enter into alliances? Iron Chancellor Otto von Bismarck - the careful collector of empire

19.01.2024

200 years ago, on April 1, 1815, the first Chancellor of the German Empire, Otto von Bismarck, was born. This German statesman went down as the creator of the German Empire, the “Iron Chancellor” and the de facto leader of the foreign policy of one of the greatest European powers. Bismarck's policies made Germany the leading military-economic power in Western Europe.

Youth

Otto von Bismarck (Otto Eduard Leopold von Bismarck-Schönhausen) was born on April 1, 1815 at Schönhausen Castle in the Brandenburg Province. Bismarck was the fourth child and second son of a retired captain of a small nobleman (they were called Junkers in Prussia) Ferdinand von Bismarck and his wife Wilhelmina, née Mencken. The Bismarck family belonged to the ancient nobility, descended from the knights who conquered the Slavic lands on Labe-Elbe. The Bismarcks traced their ancestry back to the reign of Charlemagne. The Schönhausen estate has been in the hands of the Bismarck family since 1562. True, the Bismarck family could not boast of great wealth and was not one of the largest landowners. The Bismarcks have long served the rulers of Brandenburg in peaceful and military fields.

From his father, Bismarck inherited toughness, determination and willpower. The Bismarck family was one of the three most self-confident families of Brandenburg (Schulenburg, Alvensleben and Bismarck), whom Frederick William I called “bad, disobedient people” in his “Political Testament”. My mother came from a family of government employees and belonged to the middle class. During this period in Germany there was a process of merging of the old aristocracy and the new middle class. From Wilhelmina, Bismarck received the liveliness of the mind of an educated bourgeois, a subtle and sensitive soul. This made Otto von Bismarck a very extraordinary person.

Otto von Bismarck spent his childhood on the family estate of Kniephof near Naugard, in Pomerania. Therefore, Bismarck loved nature and retained a sense of connection with it throughout his life. He received his education at the Plamann private school, the Friedrich Wilhelm Gymnasium and the Zum Grauen Kloster Gymnasium in Berlin. Bismarck graduated from his last school at the age of 17 in 1832, having passed the matriculation exam. During this period, Otto was most interested in history. In addition, he was fond of reading foreign literature and learned French well.

Otto then entered the University of Göttingen, where he studied law. Study attracted little attention from Otto at that time. He was a strong and energetic man, and gained fame as a reveler and fighter. Otto took part in duels, various pranks, visited pubs, chased women and played cards for money. In 1833, Otto moved to the New Metropolitan University in Berlin. During this period, Bismarck was mainly interested, apart from “pranks,” in international politics, and his area of interest went beyond the borders of Prussia and the German Confederation, within the framework of which the thinking of the overwhelming majority of young nobles and students of that time was limited. At the same time, Bismarck had high self-esteem; he saw himself as a great man. In 1834 he wrote to a friend: “I will become either the greatest scoundrel or the greatest reformer of Prussia.”

However, Bismarck's good abilities allowed him to successfully complete his studies. Before exams, he visited tutors. In 1835 he received a diploma and began working in the Berlin Municipal Court. In 1837-1838 served as an official in Aachen and Potsdam. However, he quickly became bored with being an official. Bismarck decided to leave public service, which went against the will of his parents, and was a consequence of his desire for complete independence. Bismarck was generally distinguished by his craving for complete freedom. The career of an official did not suit him. Otto said: “My pride requires me to command, and not to carry out other people’s orders.”

Bismarck, 1836

Bismarck the landowner

Since 1839, Bismarck has been developing his Kniephof estate. During this period, Bismarck, like his father, decided to “live and die in the countryside.” Bismarck studied accounting and agriculture on his own. He proved himself to be a skillful and practical landowner who knew well both the theory of agriculture and practice. The value of Pomeranian estates increased by more than a third during the nine years that Bismarck ruled them. At the same time, three years fell during the agricultural crisis.

However, Bismarck could not be a simple, albeit intelligent, landowner. There was a power hidden within him that did not allow him to live peacefully in the countryside. He still gambled, sometimes in an evening he lost everything that he had managed to accumulate over months of painstaking work. He campaigned with bad people, drank, and seduced the daughters of peasants. He was nicknamed “mad Bismarck” for his violent temper.

At the same time, Bismarck continued his self-education, read the works of Hegel, Kant, Spinoza, David Friedrich Strauss and Feuerbach, and studied English literature. Byron and Shakespeare fascinated Bismarck more than Goethe. Otto was very interested in English politics. Intellectually, Bismarck was an order of magnitude superior to all the Junker landowners around him. In addition, Bismarck, a landowner, participated in local government, was a deputy from the district, deputy landrat and a member of the Landtag of the province of Pomerania. He expanded the horizons of his knowledge through travel to England, France, Italy and Switzerland.

In 1843, a decisive turn took place in Bismarck's life. Bismarck made acquaintance with Pomeranian Lutherans and met the fiancée of his friend Moritz von Blankenburg, Maria von Thadden. The girl was seriously ill and dying. The personality of this girl, her Christian beliefs and fortitude during her illness struck Otto to the depths of his soul. He became a believer. This made him a staunch supporter of the king and Prussia. Serving the king meant serving God for him.

In addition, there was a radical turn in his personal life. At Maria's, Bismarck met Johanna von Puttkamer and asked for her hand in marriage. Marriage to Johanna soon became Bismarck's main support in life, until her death in 1894. The wedding took place in 1847. Johanna gave birth to Otto two sons and a daughter: Herbert, Wilhelm and Maria. A selfless wife and caring mother contributed to Bismarck's political career.

Bismarck and his wife

"Raging Deputy"

During the same period, Bismarck entered politics. In 1847 he was appointed representative of the Ostälb knighthood in the United Landtag. This event was the beginning of Otto's political career. His activities in the interregional body of class representation, which mainly controlled the financing of the construction of the Ostbahn (Berlin-Königsberg road), mainly consisted of delivering critical speeches directed against the liberals who were trying to form a real parliament. Among conservatives, Bismarck enjoyed a reputation as an active defender of their interests, who was able, without delving too deeply into substantive argumentation, to create “fireworks”, distract attention from the subject of the dispute and excite minds.

Opposing the liberals, Otto von Bismarck helped organize various political movements and newspapers, including the New Prussian Newspaper. Otto became a member of the lower house of the Prussian parliament in 1849 and the Erfurt parliament in 1850. Bismarck was then an opponent of the nationalist aspirations of the German bourgeoisie. Otto von Bismarck saw in the revolution only the “greed of the have-nots.” Bismarck considered his main task to be the need to point out the historical role of Prussia and the nobility as the main driving force of the monarchy, and the defense of the existing socio-political order. The political and social consequences of the 1848 revolution, which engulfed large parts of Western Europe, had a profound impact on Bismarck and strengthened his monarchical views. In March 1848, Bismarck even planned to march with his peasants on Berlin to end the revolution. Bismarck occupied ultra-right positions, being more radical even than the monarch.

During this revolutionary time, Bismarck acted as an ardent defender of the monarchy, Prussia and the Prussian Junkers. In 1850, Bismarck opposed a federation of German states (with or without the Austrian Empire), as he believed that this unification would only strengthen the revolutionary forces. After this, King Frederick William IV, on the recommendation of King Adjutant General Leopold von Gerlach (he was the leader of an ultra-right group surrounded by the monarch), appointed Bismarck as Prussia's envoy to the German Confederation, in the Bundestag meeting in Frankfurt. At the same time, Bismarck also remained a deputy of the Prussian Landtag. The Prussian conservative debated so fiercely with the liberals over the constitution that he even fought a duel with one of their leaders, Georg von Vincke.

Thus, at the age of 36, Bismarck took the most important diplomatic post that the Prussian king could offer. After a short stay in Frankfurt, Bismarck realized that further unification of Austria and Prussia within the framework of the German Confederation was no longer possible. The strategy of the Austrian Chancellor Metternich, trying to turn Prussia into a junior partner of the Habsburg Empire within the framework of “Middle Europe” led by Vienna, failed. The confrontation between Prussia and Austria in Germany during the revolution became obvious. At the same time, Bismarck began to come to the conclusion that war with the Austrian Empire was inevitable. Only war can decide the future of Germany.

During the Eastern Crisis, even before the start of the Crimean War, Bismarck, in a letter to Prime Minister Manteuffel, expressed concern that the policy of Prussia, which fluctuates between England and Russia, if deviated towards Austria, an ally of England, could lead to war with Russia. “I would be careful,” noted Otto von Bismarck, “to moor our elegant and durable frigate to an old, worm-eaten warship of Austria in search of protection from a storm.” He proposed to wisely use this crisis in the interests of Prussia, and not England and Austria.

After the end of the Eastern (Crimean) War, Bismarck noted the collapse of the alliance of the three eastern powers - Austria, Prussia and Russia, based on the principles of conservatism. Bismarck saw that the gap between Russia and Austria would last a long time and that Russia would seek an alliance with France. Prussia, in his opinion, had to avoid possible alliances opposing each other, and not allow Austria or England to involve it in an anti-Russian alliance. Bismarck increasingly took anti-British positions, expressing his distrust in the possibility of a productive union with England. Otto von Bismarck noted: “The security of England’s island location makes it easier for her to abandon her continental ally and allows her to abandon him to the mercy of fate, depending on the interests of English politics.” Austria, if it becomes an ally of Prussia, will try to solve its problems at the expense of Berlin. In addition, Germany remained an area of confrontation between Austria and Prussia. As Bismarck wrote: “According to the policy of Vienna, Germany is too small for the two of us... we both cultivate the same arable land...”. Bismarck confirmed his earlier conclusion that Prussia would have to fight against Austria.

As Bismarck improved his knowledge of diplomacy and the art of statecraft, he increasingly moved away from the ultra-conservatives. In 1855 and 1857 Bismarck made “reconnaissance” visits to the French Emperor Napoleon III and came to the conclusion that he was a less significant and dangerous politician than Prussian conservatives believed. Bismarck broke with Gerlach's entourage. As the future “Iron Chancellor” said: “We must operate with realities, not fictions.” Bismarck believed that Prussia needed a temporary alliance with France to neutralize Austria. According to Otto, Napoleon III de facto suppressed the revolution in France and became the legitimate ruler. Threatening other states with the help of revolution is now “England’s favorite pastime.”

As a result, Bismarck began to be accused of betraying the principles of conservatism and Bonapartism. Bismarck answered his enemies that “... my ideal politician is impartiality, independence in decision-making from sympathy or antipathy towards foreign states and their rulers.” Bismarck saw that stability in Europe was more threatened by England, with its parliamentarism and democratization, than by Bonapartism in France.

Political "study"

In 1858, the brother of King Frederick William IV, who suffered from a mental disorder, Prince Wilhelm, became regent. As a result, Berlin's political course changed. The period of reaction was over and Wilhelm proclaimed a "New Era", ostentatiously appointing a liberal government. Bismarck's ability to influence Prussian policy fell sharply. Bismarck was recalled from the Frankfurt post and, as he himself bitterly noted, sent “to the cold on the Neva.” Otto von Bismarck became envoy to St. Petersburg.

The St. Petersburg experience greatly helped Bismarck as the future Chancellor of Germany. Bismarck became close to the Russian Foreign Minister, Prince Gorchakov. Gorchakov would later assist Bismarck in isolating first Austria and then France, which would make Germany the leading power in Western Europe. In St. Petersburg, Bismarck will understand that Russia still occupies key positions in Europe, despite the defeat in the Eastern War. Bismarck studied well the alignment of political forces around the tsar and in the capital's "society", and realized that the situation in Europe gives Prussia an excellent chance, which comes very rarely. Prussia could unite Germany, becoming its political and military core.

Bismarck's activities in St. Petersburg were interrupted due to a serious illness. Bismarck was treated in Germany for about a year. He finally broke with the extreme conservatives. In 1861 and 1862 Bismarck was twice presented to Wilhelm as a candidate for the post of Foreign Minister. Bismarck outlined his view on the possibility of uniting a “non-Austrian Germany.” However, Wilhelm did not dare to appoint Bismarck as minister, since he made a demonic impression on him. As Bismarck himself wrote: “He considered me more fanatical than I really was.”

But at the insistence of War Minister von Roon, who patronized Bismarck, the king nevertheless decided to send Bismarck “to study” in Paris and London. In 1862, Bismarck was sent as envoy to Paris, but did not stay there long.

To be continued…

Otto Eduard Leopold Karl-Wilhelm-Ferdinand Duke von Lauenburg Prince von Bismarck und Schönhausen(German) Otto Eduard Leopold von Bismarck-Schönhausen ; April 1, 1815 - July 30, 1898) - prince, politician, statesman, first Chancellor of the German Empire (Second Reich), nicknamed the "Iron Chancellor". He had the honorary rank (peacetime) of Prussian Colonel General with the rank of Field Marshal (March 20, 1890).

While serving as Reich Chancellor and Prussian Minister-Chairman, he had significant influence on the policies of the created Reich until his resignation in the city. In foreign policy, Bismarck adhered to the principle of the balance of power (or European balance, see Bismarck's alliance system)

In domestic politics, the time of his reign from the city can be divided into two phases. At first he made an alliance with moderate liberals. Numerous domestic reforms took place during this period, such as the introduction of civil marriage, which was used by Bismarck to weaken the influence of the Catholic Church (see Kulturkampf). Beginning in the late 1870s, Bismarck separated from the liberals. During this phase, he resorts to policies of protectionism and government intervention in the economy. In the 1880s, an anti-socialist law was introduced. Disagreements with the then Kaiser Wilhelm II led to Bismarck's resignation.

In subsequent years, Bismarck played a prominent political role, criticizing his successors. Thanks to the popularity of his memoirs, Bismarck managed to influence the formation of his own image in the public consciousness for a long time.

By the middle of the 20th century, German historical literature was dominated by an unconditionally positive assessment of the role of Bismarck as a politician responsible for uniting the German principalities into a single national state, which partially satisfied national interests. After his death, numerous monuments were erected in his honor as a symbol of strong personal power. He created a new nation and implemented progressive social welfare systems. Bismarck, being loyal to the king, strengthened the state with a strong, well-trained bureaucracy. After World War II, critical voices began to sound louder, accusing Bismarck, in particular, of curtailing democracy in Germany. More attention was paid to the shortcomings of his policies, and the activities were considered in the current context.

Biography

Origin

Otto von Bismarck was born on April 1, 1815 into a family of small landed nobles in the Brandenburg province (now Saxony-Anhalt). All generations of the Bismarck family served the rulers in peaceful and military fields, but did not show themselves to be anything special. Simply put, the Bismarcks were junkers - descendants of conquering knights who founded settlements in the lands east of the Elbe River. The Bismarcks could not boast of extensive landholdings, wealth or aristocratic luxury, but were considered noble.

Youth

With iron and blood

The regent under the incompetent King Frederick William IV, Prince Wilhelm, closely associated with the army, was extremely dissatisfied with the existence of the Landwehr - a territorial army that played a decisive role in the fight against Napoleon and maintained liberal sentiments. Moreover, the Landwehr, relatively independent of the government, proved ineffective in suppressing the 1848 revolution. Therefore, he supported the Prussian Minister of War Roon in developing a military reform that envisaged the creation of a regular army with service life in the infantry increased to 3 years and four years in the cavalry. Military spending was supposed to increase by 25%. This met with resistance, and the king dissolved the liberal government, replacing it with a reactionary administration. But the budget was again not approved.

At this time, European trade was actively developing, in which Prussia played an important role with its rapidly developing industry, an obstacle to which was Austria, which practiced a protectionist position. To inflict moral damage on her, Prussia recognized the legitimacy of the Italian king Victor Emmanuel, who came to power in the wake of the revolution against the Habsburgs.

Annexation of Schleswig and Holstein

Bismarck is a triumphant man.

Creation of the North German Confederation

The fight against the Catholic opposition

Bismarck and Lasker in Parliament

The unification of Germany led to the fact that communities that were once in violent conflict with each other found themselves in one state. One of the most important problems facing the newly created empire was the question of interaction between the state and the Catholic Church. On this basis it began Kulturkampf- Bismarck's struggle for the cultural unification of Germany.

Bismarck and Windthorst

Bismarck met the liberals halfway in order to ensure their support for his course, agreed with the proposed changes in civil and criminal legislation and ensuring freedom of speech, which did not always correspond to his wishes. However, all this led to the strengthening of the influence of centrists and conservatives, who began to view the attack against the church as a manifestation of godless liberalism. As a result, Bismarck himself began to view his campaign as a serious mistake.

The long struggle with Arnim and the irreconcilable resistance of Windthorst's centrist party could not but affect the health and morale of the chancellor.

Strengthening peace in Europe

Introductory quote to the exhibition of the Bavarian War Museum. Ingolstadt

We do not need war, we belong to what the old Prince Metternich had in mind, namely, to a state completely satisfied with its position, which can defend itself if necessary. And, besides, even if this becomes necessary, do not forget about our peaceful initiatives. And I declare this not only in the Reichstag, but especially to the whole world, that this has been the policy of Kaiser Germany for the past sixteen years.

Soon after the creation of the Second Reich, Bismarck became convinced that Germany did not have the ability to dominate Europe. He failed to realize the hundreds of years old idea of uniting all Germans in a single state. This was prevented by Austria, which was striving for the same thing, but only under the condition of the leading role in this state of the Habsburg dynasty.

Fearing French revenge in the future, Bismarck sought rapprochement with Russia. On March 13, 1871, he, together with representatives of Russia and other countries, signed the London Convention, which lifted the ban on Russia to have a navy in the Black Sea. In 1872, Bismarck and Gorchakov (with whom Bismarck had a personal relationship, like a talented student with his teacher), organized a meeting in Berlin of three emperors - German, Austrian and Russian. They came to an agreement to jointly confront the revolutionary danger. After that, Bismarck had a conflict with the German Ambassador to France, Arnim, who, like Bismarck, belonged to the conservative wing, which alienated the Chancellor from the conservative Junkers. The result of this confrontation was the arrest of Arnim under the pretext of improper handling of documents.

Bismarck, taking into account Germany's central position in Europe and the associated real danger of being involved in a war on two fronts, created a formula that he followed throughout his reign: “A strong Germany strives to live in peace and develop peacefully.” To this end, she must have a strong army so as not to be attacked by anyone who draws the sword from its scabbard.

Throughout his service, Bismarck experienced the “nightmare of coalitions” (le cauchemar des coalitions), and, figuratively speaking, tried unsuccessfully to juggle five balls in the air.

Now Bismarck could hope that England would concentrate on the problem of Egypt, which arose after France bought up shares in the Suez Canal, and Russia became involved in solving the Black Sea problems, and therefore the danger of creating an anti-German coalition was significantly reduced. Moreover, the rivalry between Austria and Russia in the Balkans meant that Russia needed German support. Thus, a situation was created in which all significant forces in Europe, with the exception of France, would not be able to create dangerous coalitions, being involved in mutual rivalry.

At the same time, this created a need for Russia to avoid aggravation of the international situation and it was forced to lose some of the benefits of its victory at the London negotiations, which were expressed at the congress that opened on June 13 in Berlin. The Berlin Congress was created to consider the results of the Russian-Turkish war, which was chaired by Bismarck. The Congress turned out to be surprisingly effective, although Bismarck had to constantly maneuver between representatives of all the great powers. On July 13, 1878, Bismarck signed the Treaty of Berlin with representatives of the great powers, which established new borders in Europe. Then many of the territories transferred to Russia were returned to Turkey, Bosnia and Herzegovina were transferred to Austria, and the Turkish Sultan, filled with gratitude, gave Cyprus to Britain.

After this, a sharp pan-Slavist campaign against Germany began in the Russian press. The coalition nightmare arose again. On the verge of panic, Bismarck invited Austria to conclude a customs agreement, and when she refused, even a mutual non-aggression treaty. Emperor Wilhelm I was frightened by the end of the previous pro-Russian orientation of German foreign policy and warned Bismarck that things were moving toward an alliance between Tsarist Russia and France, which had become a republic again. At the same time, he pointed out the unreliability of Austria as an ally, which could not deal with its internal problems, as well as the uncertainty of Britain’s position.

Bismarck tried to justify his line by pointing out that his initiatives were taken in the interests of Russia. On October 7, he concluded a “Dual Alliance” with Austria, which pushed Russia into an alliance with France. This was Bismarck's fatal mistake, destroying the close relations between Russia and Germany that had been established since the German War of Liberation. A tough tariff struggle began between Russia and Germany. From that time on, the General Staffs of both countries began to develop plans for a preventive war against each other.

According to this treaty, Austria and Germany were supposed to jointly repel the Russian attack. If Germany were attacked by France, Austria pledged to remain neutral. It quickly became clear to Bismarck that this defensive alliance would immediately turn into offensive action, especially if Austria was on the verge of defeat.

However, Bismarck still managed to confirm an agreement with Russia on June 18, according to which the latter pledged to maintain neutrality in the event of a Franco-German war. But nothing was said about the relationship in the event of an Austro-Russian conflict. However, Bismarck demonstrated an understanding of Russia's claims to the Bosporus and Dardanelles in the hope that this would lead to conflict with Britain. Bismarck's supporters viewed this move as further proof of Bismarck's diplomatic genius. However, the future showed that this was only a temporary measure in an attempt to avoid an impending international crisis.

Bismarck proceeded from his belief that stability in Europe could be achieved only if England joined the “Mutual Treaty”. In 1889, he approached Lord Salisbury with a proposal to conclude a military alliance, but the lord categorically refused. Although Britain was interested in resolving the colonial problem with Germany, it did not want to bind itself to any obligations in central Europe, where the potentially hostile states of France and Russia were located. Bismarck’s hopes that the contradictions between England and Russia would contribute to its rapprochement with the countries of the “Mutual Treaty” were not confirmed.

Danger on the Left

“As long as it’s stormy, I’m at the helm”

To the 60th anniversary of the Chancellor

In addition to the external danger, the internal danger became increasingly stronger, namely the socialist movement in the industrial regions. To combat it, Bismarck tried to pass new repressive legislation. Bismarck spoke more and more often about the “Red Menace,” especially after the assassination attempt on the emperor.

Colonial policy

At certain points he showed commitment to the colonial issue, but this was a political move, for example during the election campaign of 1884, when he was accused of lack of patriotism. In addition, this was done in order to reduce the chances of the heir prince Frederick with his leftist views and far-reaching pro-English orientation. In addition, he understood that the key problem for the country's security was normal relations with England. In 1890, he exchanged Zanzibar from England for the island of Heligoland, which much later became an outpost of the German fleet in the world's oceans.

Otto von Bismarck managed to involve his son Herbert in colonial affairs, who was involved in resolving issues with England. But there were also enough problems with his son - he inherited only bad traits from his father and was a drunkard.

Resignation

Bismarck tried not only to influence the formation of his image in the eyes of his descendants, but also continued to interfere in contemporary politics, in particular, he undertook active campaigns in the press. Bismarck was most often attacked by his successor, Caprivi. Indirectly, he criticized the emperor, whom he could not forgive for his resignation. In the summer, Mr. Bismarck took part in the elections to the Reichstag, however, he never took part in the work of his 19th constituency in Hanover, never used his mandate, and in 1893. resigned

The press campaign was successful. Public opinion swung in favor of Bismarck, especially after Wilhelm II began to openly attack him. The authority of the new Reich Chancellor Caprivi suffered especially badly when he tried to prevent Bismarck from meeting with the Austrian Emperor Franz Joseph. The journey to Vienna turned into a triumph for Bismarck, who declared that he had no responsibilities to the German authorities: “all bridges were burned”

Wilhelm II was forced to accept reconciliation. Several meetings with Bismarck in the city went well, but did not lead to real detente in relations. Just how unpopular Bismarck was in the Reichstag was shown by the fierce battles over the approval of congratulations on the occasion of his 80th birthday. Due to the publication in 1896. The top-secret reinsurance agreement attracted the attention of the German and foreign press.

Memory

Historiography

In the more than 150 years since Bismarck's birth, many different interpretations of his personal and political activities have arisen, some of them mutually contradictory. Until the end of World War II, German-language literature was dominated by writers whose point of view was influenced by their own political and religious worldview. Historian Karina Urbach noted in the city: “His biography was taught to at least six generations, and it is safe to say that each subsequent generation studied a different Bismarck. No other German politician has been used and distorted as much as he."

Empire times

Controversies surrounding the figure of Bismarck existed even during his lifetime. Already in the first biographical publications, sometimes multi-volume, the complexity and ambiguity of Bismarck was emphasized. Sociologist Max Weber critically assessed Bismarck's role in the process of German unification: “The work of his life was not only the external, but also the internal unity of the nation, but each of us knows: this was not achieved. This cannot be achieved using his methods." Theodor Fontane, in the last years of his life, painted a literary portrait in which he compared Bismarck with Wallenstein. The assessment of Bismarck from Fontane's point of view differs significantly from the assessment of most contemporaries: “he is a great genius, but a small man.”

A negative assessment of Bismarck's role did not find support for a long time, partly thanks to his memoirs. They became an almost inexhaustible source of quotes for his fans. For decades, the book formed the basis of the image of Bismarck among patriotic citizens. At the same time, it weakened the critical view of the founder of the empire. During his lifetime, Bismarck had personal influence over his image in history, as he controlled access to documents and sometimes corrected manuscripts. After the death of the chancellor, control over the formation of the image in history was taken over by his son, Herbert von Bismarck.

Professional historical science could not get rid of the influence of Bismarck's role in the unification of the German lands and joined in the idealization of his image. Heinrich von Treitschke changed his attitude towards Bismarck from critical to devoted admirer. He called the founding of the German Empire the most striking example of heroism in German history. Treitschke and other representatives of the Lesser German-Borussian school of history were fascinated by Bismarck's strength of character. Bismarck biographer Erich Marx wrote in 1906: “In fact, I must admit: living in those times was such a great experience that everything that has to do with it is of value for history.” However, Marx, along with other Wilhelmian historians such as Heinrich von Siebel, noted the contradictory nature of Bismarck's role in comparison with the achievements of the Hohenzollerns. So, in 1914. in school textbooks, it was not Bismarck, Wilhelm I, who was called the founder of the German Empire.

A decisive contribution to the exaltation of Bismarck's role in history was made in the First World War. On the occasion of the 100th anniversary of the birth of Bismarck in 1915. articles were published that did not even hide their propaganda purpose. In a patriotic impulse, historians noted the duties of German soldiers to defend the unity and greatness of Germany achieved by Bismarck from foreign invaders, and at the same time, remained silent about Bismarck’s numerous warnings about the inadmissibility of such a war in the middle of Europe. Bismarck scholars such as Erich Marx, Mack Lenz and Horst Kohl have portrayed Bismarck as a conduit for the German warrior spirit.

Weimar Republic and Third Reich

Germany's defeat in the war and the creation of the Weimar Republic did not change Bismarck's idealistic image, since the elite historians remained loyal to the monarch. In such a helpless and chaotic state, Bismarck was like a guide, a father, a genius to be followed in order to end the “Versailles humiliation.” If any criticism of his role in history was expressed, it concerned the Little German way of solving the German question, and not the military or imposed unification of the state. Traditionalism prevented the emergence of innovative biographies of Bismarck. The publication of further documents in the 1920s once again helped to emphasize Bismarck's diplomatic skill. The most popular biography of Bismarck at the time was written by Mr. Emil Ludwig, which presented a critical psychological analysis of how Bismarck was portrayed as a Faustian hero in the 19th century historical drama.

During the Nazi period, a historical lineage between Bismarck and Adolf Hitler was more often depicted in order to secure the Third Reich's leading role in the German unity movement. Erich Marx, a pioneer of Bismarck studies, emphasized these ideologically driven historical interpretations. In Britain, Bismarck was also portrayed as the predecessor of Hitler, who stood at the beginning of Germany's special path. As World War II progressed, Bismarck's weight in propaganda decreased somewhat; Since then, his warning about the inadmissibility of war with Russia has not been mentioned. But conservative representatives of the resistance movement saw their guide in Bismarck

An important critical work was published by the German lawyer in exile Erich Eick, who wrote a biography of Bismarck in three volumes. He criticized Bismarck for his cynical attitude towards democratic, liberal and humanistic values and held him responsible for the destruction of democracy in Germany. The system of unions was very cleverly constructed, but, being an artificial construction, it was doomed to collapse from birth. However, Eick could not help but admire the figure of Bismarck: “but no one, anywhere, can disagree with the fact that he [Bismarck] was the main figure of his time... No one can help but admire the power of the charm of this man, who is always curious and important."

Post-war period until 1990

After World War II, influential German historians, notably Hans Rothfelds and Theodor Schieder, took a varied but positive view of Bismarck. Friedrich Meinecke, a former admirer of Bismarck, argued in 1946. in the book “The German Disaster” (German. Die deutsche Katastrophe) that the painful defeat of the German nation-state canceled out all praise of Bismarck for the foreseeable future.

Briton Alan J.P. Taylor made it public in 1955. a psychological, and not least because of this limited, biography of Bismarck, in which he tried to show the struggle between the paternal and maternal principles in the soul of his hero. Taylor positively characterized Bismarck's instinctive struggle for order in Europe with the aggressive foreign policy of the Wilhelminian era. The first post-war biography of Bismarck, written by Wilhelm Momsen, differed from the works of his predecessors in a style that pretended to be sober and objective. Momsen emphasized Bismarck's political flexibility, and believed that his failures could not overshadow the successes of government.

In the late 1970s, a movement of social historians against biographical research emerged. Since then, biographies of Bismarck have begun to appear, in which he is depicted either in extremely light or dark colors. A common feature of most new biographies of Bismarck is an attempt to synthesize Bismarck's influence and describe his position in the social structures and political processes of the time

The American historian Otto Pflanze released between and. a multi-volume biography of Bismarck, in which, unlike others, Bismarck’s personality was placed in the foreground, studied by means of psychoanalysis. Pflanze criticized Bismarck for his treatment of political parties and subordination of the constitution to his own purposes, which set a negative precedent to follow. According to Pflanz, the image of Bismarck as the unifier of the German nation comes from Bismarck himself, who from the very beginning sought only to strengthen Prussian power over the major states of Europe.

Phrases attributed to Bismarck

By providence itself I was destined to be a diplomat: after all, I was even born on the first of April.
Revolutions are conceived by geniuses, carried out by fanatics, and their results are used by scoundrels.
People never lie so much as after a hunt, during a war and before elections.
Don't expect that once you take advantage of Russia's weakness, you will receive dividends forever. Russians always come for their money. And when they come, do not rely on the Jesuit agreements you signed, which supposedly justify you. They are not worth the paper they are written on. Therefore, you should either play fairly with the Russians, or not play at all.
The Russians take a long time to harness, but they travel quickly.
Congratulate me - the comedy is over... (while leaving the post of chancellor).
As always, he has a prima donna smile on his lips and an ice compress on his heart (about the Chancellor of the Russian Empire Gorchakov).
You don't know this audience! Finally, the Jew Rothschild... this, I tell you, is an incomparable brute. For the sake of speculation on the stock exchange, he is ready to bury all of Europe, and it’s… me who’s to blame?
There will always be someone who doesn't like what you do. This is fine. Everyone only likes kittens.
Before his death, having briefly regained consciousness, he said: “I am dying, but from the point of view of the interests of the state, this is impossible!”
The war between Germany and Russia is the greatest stupidity. That is why it will definitely happen.
Study as if you were to live forever, live as if you were to die tomorrow.
Even the most favorable outcome of the war will never lead to the disintegration of the main strength of Russia, which is based on millions of Russians... These latter, even if they are dismembered by international treatises, are just as quickly reunited with each other, like particles of a cut piece of mercury...
The great questions of the time are not decided by the decisions of the majority, but only by iron and blood!
Woe to the statesman who does not take the trouble to find a basis for war that will still retain its significance even after the war.
Even a victorious war is an evil that must be prevented by the wisdom of nations.
Revolutions are prepared by geniuses, carried out by romantics, and their fruits are enjoyed by scoundrels.
Russia is dangerous due to the meagerness of its needs.
A preventive war against Russia is suicide due to fear of death.

Gallery

Notes

Richard Carstensen / Bismarck anekdotisches.Muenchen:Bechtle Verlag. 1981. ISBN 3-7628-0406-0
Martin Kitchen. The Cambridge Illustrated History of Germany:-Cambridge University Press 1996 ISBN 0-521-45341-0
Nachum T.Gidal:Die Juden in Deutschland von der Römerzeit bis zur Weimarer Republik. Gütersloh: Bertelsmann Lexikon Verlag 1988. ISBN 3-89508-540-5
Showing the significant role of Bismarck in European history, the author of the cartoon is mistaken regarding Russia, which in those years pursued a policy independent of Germany.
“Aber das kann man nicht von mir verlangen, dass ich, nachdem ich vierzig Jahre lang Politik getrieben, plötzlich mich gar nicht mehr damit abgeben soll.” Zit. nach Ullrich: Bismarck. S. 122.
Ullrich: Bismarck. S. 7 f.
Alfred Vagts: Diederich Hahn - Ein Politikerleben. In: Jahrbuch der Männer vom Morgenstern. Band 46, Bremerhaven 1965, S. 161 f.
"Alle Brücken sind abgebrochen."Volker Ullrich: Otto von Bismarck. Rowohlt, Reinbek bei Hamburg 1998, ISBN 3-499-50602-5, S. 124.
Ullrich: Bismarck. S. 122-128.
Reinhard Pözorny(Hg) Deutsches National-Lexikon-DSZ-Verlag. 1992. ISBN 3-925924-09-4
In the original: English. „His life has been taught to at least six generations, and one can fairly say that almost every second German generation has encountered another version of Bismarck. No other German political figure has been as used and abused for political purposes.” Div.: Karina Urbach, Between Saviour and Villain. 100 Years of Bismarck Biographies,in: The Historical Journal. Jg. 41, Nr. 4, December 1998, art. 1141-1160 (1142).
Georg Hesekiel: Das Buch vom Grafen Bismarck. Velhagen & Klasing, Bielefeld 1869; Ludwig Hahn: Fürst von Bismarck. Sein politisches Leben und Wirken. 5 Bd. Hertz, Berlin 1878-1891; Hermann Jahnke: Fürst Bismarck, sein Leben und Wirken. Kittel, Berlin 1890; Hans Bloom: Bismarck und seine Zeit. Eine Biographie für das deutsche Volk. 6 Bd. mit Reg-Bd. Beck, Munich 1894-1899.
“Denn dieses Lebenswerk hätte doch nicht nur zur äußeren, sondern auch zur inneren Einigung der Nation führen sollen und jeder von uns weiß: das ist nicht erreicht. Es konnte mit seinen Mitteln nicht erreicht werden.” Zit. n. Volker Ullrich: Die nervöse Großmacht. Aufstieg und Untergang des deutschen Kaiserreichs. 6. Aufl. Fischer Taschenbuch Verlag, Frankfurt am Main 2006, ISBN 978-3-596-11694-2, S. 29.
Theodore Fontane: Der Zivil-Wallenstein. In: Gotthard Erler (Hrsg.): Kahlebutz und Krautentochter. Märkische Portraits. Aufbau Taschenbuch Verlag, Berlin 2007,

February 20th, 2014

On February 18, 1871, Otto von Bismarck proclaimed the creation of the German Empire - the Second Reich. He became the first chancellor of Germany, who was nicknamed the “Iron Chancellor” for his tough and focused policy on unifying the German lands. Almost by his will, the revolution of the Paris Commune was suppressed. He had a good school - he went through this school after living in Russia.

1. Russian love
Bismarck had a lot in common with our country: service in Russia, “apprenticeship” with Gorchakov, knowledge of the language, respect for the Russian national spirit. Bismarck also had a Russian love, her name was Katerina Orlova-Trubetskaya. They had a whirlwind romance in the resort of Biarritz. Only one week in her company was enough for Bismarck to become captivated by the charms of this young, attractive 22-year-old woman. The story of their passionate love almost ended in tragedy. Katerina’s husband, Prince Orlov, was seriously wounded in the Crimean War and did not take part in his wife’s fun festivities and bathing. But Bismarck accepted. She and Katerina almost drowned. They were rescued by the lighthouse keeper. On this day, Bismarck would write to his wife: “After several hours of rest and writing letters to Paris and Berlin, I took a second sip of salt water, this time in the harbor when there were no waves. A lot of swimming and diving, dipping into the surf twice would be too much for one day.” This incident became a wake-up call for the future chancellor; he never cheated on his wife again. And time has run out - big politics has become a worthy alternative to adultery.

2. Landowner
In his youth, Bismarck lived for a long time in a village, where the future German chancellor earned the nickname “crazy Bismarck,” and in the area where he lived, a saying arose: “No, not yet, says Bismarck.” This nickname and this saying throw a bright light on the exploits he accomplished as a landowner. He had no shortage of company: neighboring landowners, and especially officers stationed in the Naugard district, kept him company on carousing, hunting, and on various excursions, and were regulars in Kniphof, which, since Bismarck’s arrival there for permanent residence, had been By general rumor it was renamed Kneiphof (tavern). Drinking, carousing, playing cards, hunting, horse riding, shooting at a target - that’s what occupied Bismarck and his comrades. He was an excellent shooter; he used a pistol to shoot off the heads of ducks on a pond, and hit a thrown card in mid-flight; He was a dashing rider, he retained this passion for a long time and several times almost paid with his life for furious horse riding. One day they were returning home with their brother and driving the horses as hard as they could. Suddenly the chancellor fell off his horse and hit his head on a stone on the highway. The horse got scared of the lantern and threw it off. Bismarck lost consciousness. When he came to his senses, something very strange happened to him. He examined the horse and found that the saddle was broken; He called the groom, got on his horse and went home. The dogs greeted him with barking, but he mistook them for strange dogs and got angry. Then he began to tell that his groom had fallen from his horse and that it was necessary to send a stretcher for him. When the brother made a sign that they should not follow the groom, he again became angry and asked: “Are we really going to leave this man there in a helpless state?” In a word, he mistook himself for a groom or the groom for himself. Then he asked for food, went to bed, and the next day he was completely healthy. Another time, also in a deep forest, far from home, he fell along with his horse and lost consciousness. He lay there like that for about three hours. When he finally woke up, he mounted his horse again and in the darkness reached the neighboring estate. Then the people were frightened when they saw a tall rider, whose whole face and hands were covered in blood. When the doctor examined him, he declared that it was contrary to all the rules of art not to break his neck from such a fall. He retained his passion for horse riding for a long time and subsequently broke three of his ribs when falling from a horse.

3. Ems dispatch

In achieving his goals, Bismarck did not disdain anything, even falsification. In a tense situation, when the throne became vacant in Spain after the revolution in 1870, William I’s nephew Leopold began to lay claim to it. The Spaniards themselves called the Prussian prince to the throne, but France intervened in the matter. Understanding Prussia's desire for European hegemony, the French made a lot of efforts to prevent this. Bismarck also made a lot of efforts to pit Prussia against France. Negotiations between the French ambassador Benedetti and William came to the conclusion that Prussia would not interfere in the affairs of the Spanish throne. The account of Benedetti's conversation with the king was reported from Ems by telegraph to Bismarck in Berlin. Having received assurances from the chief of the Prussian general staff, Moltke, that the army was ready for war, Bismarck decided to use the dispatch sent from Ems to provoke France. He changed the text of the message, shortening it and giving it a harsher tone that was insulting to France. In the new text of the dispatch, falsified by Bismarck, the end was composed as follows: “His Majesty the King then refused to receive the French ambassador again and ordered the adjutant on duty to tell him that His Majesty had nothing more to say.”
This text, offensive to France, was transmitted by Bismarck to the press and to all Prussian missions abroad and the next day became known in Paris. As Bismarck expected, Napoleon III immediately declared war on Prussia, which ended in the defeat of France.

4. Russian “nothing”

Bismarck continued to use Russian throughout his political career. Russian words slip into his letters every now and then. Having already become the head of the Prussian government, he even sometimes made resolutions on official documents in Russian: “Impossible” or “Caution.” But the Russian “nothing” became the favorite word of the “Iron Chancellor”. He admired its nuance and polysemy and often used it in private correspondence, for example: “Alles nothing.” One incident helped him penetrate into the secret of the Russian “nothing.” Bismarck hired a coachman, but doubted that his horses could go fast enough. "Nothing!" - answered the driver and rushed along the uneven road so briskly that Bismarck became worried: “You won’t throw me out?” "Nothing!" - answered the coachman. The sleigh overturned, and Bismarck flew into the snow, bleeding his face. In a rage, he swung a steel cane at the driver, and he grabbed a handful of snow with his hands to wipe Bismarck’s bloody face, and kept saying: “Nothing... nothing!” Subsequently, Bismarck ordered a ring from this cane with the inscription in Latin letters: “Nothing!” And he admitted that in difficult moments he felt relief, telling himself in Russian: “Nothing!” When the “Iron Chancellor” was reproached for being too soft towards Russia, he replied: “In Germany, I’m the only one who says “nothing!”, but in Russia the whole people say.”

5. Sausage duel

Rudolf Virchow, a Prussian scientist and opposition figure, was dissatisfied with the policies of Otto von Bismarck and the bloated military budget of Prussia. He began to research the typhus epidemic and came to the conclusion that no one was to blame for it, but Bismarck himself (overpopulation was caused by poverty, poverty by poor education, poor education by lack of funding and democracy).
Bismarck did not deny Virchow's theses. He simply challenged him to a duel. The duel took place, but Virchow prepared for it unconventionally. He chose sausages as his “weapon.” One of them was poisoned. The famous duelist Bismarck chose to refuse the duel, saying that heroes do not eat to death and canceled the duel.

6. Gorchakov’s student

It is traditionally believed that Alexander Gorchakov became a kind of “godfather” of Otto von Bismarck. There is a grain of wisdom in this opinion. Without the participation and help of Gorchakov, Bismarck would hardly have become what he became, but the role of Bismarck himself in his political formation cannot be underestimated. Bismarck met Alexander Gorchakov during his stay in St. Petersburg, where he was the Prussian envoy. The future “Iron Chancellor” was not very happy with his appointment, taking it for exile. He found himself far from “big politics,” although Otto’s ambitions told him that he was born precisely for this. In Russia, Bismarck was received favorably. Bismarck, as they knew in St. Petersburg, resisted with all his might during the Crimean War the mobilization of German armies for war with Russia. In addition, the courteous and educated fellow countryman was favored by the Dowager Empress, wife of Nicholas I and mother of Alexander II, née Princess Charlotte of Prussia. Bismarck was the only foreign diplomat who had close contact with the royal family. Work in Russia and communication with Gorchakov seriously influenced Bismarck, but Gorchakov’s diplomatic style was not adopted by Bismarck, he formed his own methods of foreign policy influence, and when the interests of Prussia diverged from the interests of Russia, Bismarck confidently defended Prussia’s positions. After the Berlin Congress, Bismarck broke up with Gorchakov.

7. Descendant of Rurikovich

Now it is not customary to remember this, but Otto von Bismarck was a descendant of the Rurikovichs. His distant relative was Anna Yaroslavovna. The call of Russian blood was fully manifested in Bismarck; he even had the opportunity to hunt a bear once. The “Iron Chancellor” knew and understood the Russians well. The famous phrases are attributed to him: “You should either play fairly with the Russians, or not play at all”; “The Russians take a long time to harness, but they travel quickly”; “The war between Germany and Russia is the greatest stupidity. That’s why it will definitely happen.”

8. “Was there Bismarck?”

Bismarck in Russia today is “more alive than all the living.” His quotes are scattered across the Internet, and numerous communities work on social networks. Such popularity becomes a reason for speculation. For ten years now, a “quote” from the Chancellor has been circulating on the Internet: “The power of Russia can only be undermined by the separation of Ukraine from it... it is necessary not only to tear off, but also to contrast Ukraine with Russia, to pit two parts of a single people against each other and watch how brother kills brother. To do this, you just need to find and cultivate traitors among the national elite and with their help change the self-awareness of one part of the great people to such an extent that they will hate everything Russian, hate their family, without realizing it. Everything else is a matter of time.” The idea is interesting, but it does not belong to Bismarck. This quote is not in his memoirs or in other reliable sources. A similar idea was expressed in 1926 in the Lvov magazine “Theology” by a certain Ivan Rudovich. In fact, Bismarck said something different about Russia: “Even the most favorable outcome of the war will never lead to the disintegration of the main strength of Russia. The Russians, even if they are dismembered by international treatises, will just as quickly reunite with each other, like particles of a cut piece of mercury. This is the indestructible state of the Russian nation, strong with its climate, its spaces and limited needs.”

The “Iron Chancellor” was born on the family estate of Schönhausen on April 1, 1815, into a family of Prussian landowners. Representatives of this family served the rulers of the province of Brandenburg from the middle of the 17th century. The ancestors of the Bismarcks, the conquering knights, settled in these places during the reign of. At the insistence of his mother, Otto and his brother were sent to Berlin to receive an education. During 10 years of study, he changed 3 gymnasiums, but did not show any particular interest in knowledge. He was attracted only by the history of politics, both modern and past. After graduating from high school, Otto entered the university. Law became his specialty.

As a student, Bismarck did not distinguish himself with any talents. He led a wild life, played cards and drank a lot. However, he completed his studies and received a position in the Berlin Municipal Court. For three years, Bismarck held the position of tax official in Aachen and Potsdam. There he joined the Jaeger Regiment. In 1838, Bismarck moved to Greifswald, where he continued to perform military service and at the same time study animal breeding. After the death of his mother, Otto von Bismarck returns to his Pomeranian estates and begins to lead the life of an ordinary landowner. His character in those years was so explosive and beyond any control that his neighbors considered him mad.

Having decided to get married, he was refused. The girl's mother did not want to give her daughter to such a groom. To calm down, he goes traveling. Having visited England and France, Bismarck became more reserved and made many friends. After the death of his father, he became the sole owner of the Pomeranian estates, during which time he married. Among his friends were the von Gerlach brothers, who had influence at court. Soon the “mad deputy” Bismarck began to play a prominent role in the Berlin Landtag. Since 1851, Otto von Bismarck has represented Prussia in the Federal Diet, which met in Frankfurt am Main. He continues to study diplomacy and successfully apply the acquired knowledge in practice.

In 1859, Bismarck was envoy to St. Petersburg. Three years later he is sent to France. Upon his return, he heads the Prussian government. He then becomes Minister-President and Minister of Foreign Affairs. The policy he pursued during these years was aimed at the unification of Germany and the rise of Prussia over all German lands. For the same purpose, he tried to provoke France into starting a war. The cunning politician managed to achieve his goal. On July 19, 1870, war with the North German Confederation was declared in Paris.

A month later, the fleeting battle was completed with the victory of Germany. Another 4 months later, on behalf of Emperor Wilhelm I, Otto von Bismarck became chancellor of the empire that he himself created. Until 1890, the “Iron Chancellor” ruled the country. During this time, peace was signed with France, very humiliating for Paris, a struggle was waged against the dominance of the Catholic Church, and persecution of socialists began. After the accession of Emperor Wilhelm II to the throne, Bismarck lost his influence and resigned, which was accepted on March 18, 1890. However, he did not retire completely. He continued to express his opinions about current politicians, and was a member of the Reichstag. Otto von Bismarck died in 1898 and was buried on his own estate. The inscription on the tombstone said that a devoted servant of the German Kaiser Wilhelm I rested here.

Otto Bismarck is one of the most famous politicians of the 19th century. He had a significant influence on political life in Europe and developed a security system. Played a key role in uniting the German peoples into a single national state. He was awarded many awards and titles. Subsequently, historians and politicians will have different assessments of who created

The biography of the chancellor is still between representatives of various political movements. In this article we will take a closer look at it.

Otto von Bismarck: short biography. Childhood

Otto was born on April 1, 1815 in Pomerania. Representatives of his family were cadets. These are the descendants of medieval knights who received lands for serving the king. The Bismarcks had a small estate and held various military and civilian posts in the Prussian nomenklatura. By the standards of 19th-century German nobility, the family had rather modest resources.

Young Otto was sent to the Plaman school, where students were hardened by hard physical exercises. The mother was an ardent Catholic and wanted her son to be raised in strict conservatism. By the time he was a teenager, Otto transferred to a gymnasium. There he did not establish himself as a diligent student. I couldn’t boast of any success in my studies either. But at the same time I read a lot and was interested in politics and history. He studied the features of the political structure of Russia and France. I even learned French. At the age of 15, Bismarck decides to associate himself with politics. But the mother, who was the head of the family, insists on studying in Göttingen. Law and jurisprudence were chosen as the direction. Young Otto was to become a Prussian diplomat.

Bismarck's behavior in Hanover, where he trained, is legendary. He did not want to study law, so he preferred a wild life to studying. Like all elite youth, he often visited entertainment venues and made many friends among the nobles. It was at this time that the hot temper of the future chancellor manifested itself. He often gets into skirmishes and disputes, which he prefers to resolve with a duel. According to the recollections of university friends, in just a few years of his stay in Göttingen, Otto participated in 27 duels. As a lifelong memory of his stormy youth, he had a scar on his cheek after one of these competitions.

Leaving the university

A luxurious life alongside the children of aristocrats and politicians was beyond the means of Bismarck's relatively modest family. And constant participation in troubles caused problems with the law and the management of the university. So, without receiving a diploma, Otto went to Berlin, where he entered another university. Which he graduated a year later. After this, he decided to follow his mother’s advice and become a diplomat. Each figure at that time was personally approved by the Minister of Foreign Affairs. After studying Bismarck's case and learning about his problems with the law in Hanover, he refused to give the young graduate a job.

After the collapse of his hopes of becoming a diplomat, Otto works in Anhen, where he deals with minor organizational issues. According to the recollections of Bismarck himself, the work did not require significant effort from him, and he could devote himself to self-development and relaxation. But even in his new place, the future chancellor has problems with the law, so after a few years he enlists in the army. His military career did not last long. A year later, Bismarck's mother dies, and he is forced to return to Pomerania, where their family estate is located.

In Pomerania, Otto faces a number of difficulties. This is a real test for him. Managing a large estate requires a lot of effort. So Bismarck has to give up his student habits. Thanks to his successful work, he significantly raises the status of the estate and increases his income. From a serene youth he turns into a respected cadet. Nevertheless, the hot temper continues to remind itself. The neighbors called Otto "mad."

A few years later, Bismarck's sister Malvina arrives from Berlin. He becomes very close to her due to their common interests and outlook on life. Around the same time, he became an ardent Lutheran and read the Bible every day. The future chancellor's engagement to Johanna Puttkamer takes place.

The beginning of the political path

In the 40s of the 19th century, a fierce struggle for power began in Prussia between liberals and conservatives. To relieve tension, Kaiser Friedrich Wilhelm convenes the Landtag. Elections are being held in local administrations. Otto decides to go into politics and without much effort becomes a deputy. From his first days in the Landtag, Bismarck gained fame. Newspapers write about him as a “mad cadet from Pomerania.” He speaks quite harshly about liberals. Compiles entire articles of devastating criticism of Georg Finke.

His speeches are quite expressive and inspiring, so Bismarck quickly becomes a significant figure in the camp of conservatives.

Confrontation with liberals

At this time, a serious crisis is brewing in the country. A series of revolutions are taking place in neighboring states. Inspired by it, liberals are conducting active propaganda among the working and poor German population. Strikes and walkouts occur repeatedly. Against this background, food prices are constantly rising and unemployment is growing. As a result, the social crisis leads to revolution. It was organized by patriots together with liberals, demanding that the king adopt a new Constitution and unite all German lands into one national state. Bismarck was very frightened of this revolution; he sent the king a letter asking him to entrust him with the army’s march on Berlin. But Frederick makes concessions and partially agrees with the demands of the rebels. As a result, bloodshed was avoided, and the reforms were not as radical as in France or Austria.

In response to the victory of the liberals, a camarilla is created - an organization of conservative reactionaries. Bismarck immediately joins it and conducts active propaganda through. By agreement with the king, a military coup takes place in 1848, and the right regains its lost positions. But Frederick is in no hurry to empower his new allies, and Bismarck is actually removed from power.

Conflict with Austria

At this time, the German lands were greatly fragmented into large and small principalities, which in one way or another depended on Austria and Prussia. These two states waged a constant struggle for the right to be considered the unifying center of the German nation. By the end of the 40s, there was a serious conflict over the Principality of Erfurt. Relations deteriorated sharply, and rumors began to spread about possible mobilization. Bismarck takes an active part in resolving the conflict, and he manages to insist on signing agreements with Austria in Olmütz, since, in his opinion, Prussia was not able to resolve the conflict militarily.

Bismarck believes that it is necessary to begin long-term preparations for the destruction of Austrian dominance in the so-called German space.

To do this, according to Otto, it is necessary to conclude an alliance with France and Russia. Therefore, with the beginning of the Crimean War, he actively campaigned not to enter into the conflict on the side of Austria. His efforts bear fruit: there is no mobilization, and the German states remain neutral. The king sees promise in the plans of the “mad cadet” and sends him as ambassador to France. After negotiations with Napoleon III, Bismarck was suddenly recalled from Paris and sent to Russia.

Otto in Russia

Contemporaries say that the formation of the Iron Chancellor’s personality was greatly influenced by his stay in Russia; Otto Bismarck himself wrote about this. The biography of any diplomat includes a period of learning the skill. This is what Otto devoted himself to in St. Petersburg. In the capital, he spends a lot of time with Gorchakov, who was considered one of the most outstanding diplomats of his time. Bismarck was impressed by the Russian state and traditions. He liked the policies pursued by the emperor, so he carefully studied Russian history. I even started learning Russian. After a few years I could already speak it fluently. “Language gives me the opportunity to understand the very way of thinking and logic of the Russians,” wrote Otto von Bismarck. The biography of the “mad” student and cadet brought disrepute to the diplomat and interfered with successful activities in many countries, but not in Russia. This is another reason why Otto liked our country.

In it he saw an example for the development of the German state, since the Russians managed to unite lands with an ethnically identical population, which was a long-standing dream of the Germans. In addition to diplomatic contacts, Bismarck makes many personal connections.

But Bismarck’s quotes about Russia cannot be called flattering: “Never trust the Russians, for the Russians do not even trust themselves”; “Russia is dangerous because of the meagerness of its needs.”

Prime Minister

Gorchakov taught Otto the basics of an aggressive foreign policy, which was very necessary for Prussia. After the king's death, the "mad junker" is sent to Paris as a diplomat. He faces the serious task of preventing the restoration of the long-standing alliance between France and England. The new government in Paris, created after the next revolution, had a negative attitude towards the ardent conservative from Prussia.

But Bismarck managed to convince the French of the need for mutual cooperation with the Russian Empire and the German lands. The ambassador selected only trusted people for his team. Assistants selected candidates, then Otto Bismarck himself examined them. A short biography of the applicants was compiled by the king's secret police.

Successful work in establishing international relations allowed Bismarck to become Prime Minister of Prussia. In this position, he won the true love of the people. Otto von Bismarck graced the front pages of German newspapers every week. The politician's quotes became popular far abroad. Such fame in the press is due to the Prime Minister’s love of populist statements. For example, the words: “The great questions of the time are decided not by speeches and resolutions of the majority, but by iron and blood!” are still used on a par with similar statements by the rulers of Ancient Rome. One of the most famous sayings of Otto von Bismarck: “Stupidity is a gift of God, but it should not be abused.”

Prussian territorial expansion

Prussia has long set itself the goal of uniting all German lands into one state. For this purpose, preparations were made not only in the foreign policy aspect, but also in the field of propaganda. The main rival for leadership and patronage of the German world was Austria. In 1866, relations with Denmark sharply worsened. Part of the kingdom was occupied by ethnic Germans. Under pressure from the nationalist-minded part of the public, they began to demand the right to self-determination. At this time, Chancellor Otto Bismarck secured the full support of the king and received expanded rights. The war with Denmark began. Prussian troops occupied the territory of Holstein without any problems and divided it with Austria.

Because of these lands, a new conflict arose with the neighbor. The Habsburgs, who were seated in Austria, were losing their position in Europe after a series of revolutions and coups that overthrew representatives of the dynasty in other countries. In the 2 years after the Danish War, hostility between Austria and Prussia grew in the first trade blockades and political pressure. But very soon it became clear that it would not be possible to avoid a direct military conflict. Both countries began to mobilize their populations. Otto von Bismarck played a key role in the conflict. Having briefly outlined his goals to the king, he immediately went to Italy to enlist her support. The Italians themselves also had claims to Austria, seeking to take possession of Venice. In 1866 the war began. Prussian troops managed to quickly capture part of the territories and force the Habsburgs to sign a peace treaty on terms favorable to themselves.

Land unification

Now all the ways for the unification of the German lands were open. Prussia set a course for creating a constitution for which Otto von Bismarck himself wrote. The Chancellor's quotes about the unity of the German people gained popularity in northern France. The growing influence of Prussia greatly worried the French. The Russian Empire also began to wait warily to see what Otto von Bismarck, whose short biography is described in the article, would do. The history of Russian-Prussian relations during the reign of the Iron Chancellor is very revealing. The politician managed to assure Alexander II of his intentions to cooperate with the Empire in the future.

But the French could not be convinced of this. As a result, another war began. A few years earlier, an army reform was carried out in Prussia, as a result of which a regular army was created.

Military spending also increased. Thanks to this and the successful actions of German generals, France suffered a number of major defeats. Napoleon III was captured. Paris was forced to agree, losing a number of territories.

On a wave of triumph, the Second Reich is proclaimed, Wilhelm becomes emperor, and Otto Bismarck becomes his confidant. Quotes from Roman generals at the coronation gave the chancellor another nickname - “triumphant”; since then he was often depicted on a Roman chariot and with a wreath on his head.

Heritage

Constant wars and internal political squabbles seriously undermined the politician’s health. He went on vacation several times, but was forced to return due to a new crisis. Even after 65 years, he continued to take an active part in all political processes in the country. Not a single meeting of the Landtag took place unless Otto von Bismarck was present. Interesting facts about the life of the chancellor are described below.

For 40 years in politics, he achieved enormous success. Prussia expanded its territories and was able to gain superiority in German space. Contacts were established with the Russian Empire and France. All these achievements would not have been possible without a figure like Otto Bismarck. The photo of the chancellor in profile and wearing a combat helmet became a kind of symbol of his unyieldingly tough foreign and domestic policy.

Disputes surrounding this personality are still ongoing. But in Germany, every person knows who Otto von Bismarck was - the iron chancellor. There is no consensus on why he was called that. Either because of his hot temper, or because of his ruthlessness towards his enemies. One way or another, he had a huge impact on world politics.

Bismarck began his mornings with physical exercise and prayer.
While in Russia, Otto learned to speak Russian.
In St. Petersburg, Bismarck was invited to participate in the royal fun. This is bear hunting in the forests. The German even managed to kill several animals. But during the next sortie, the detachment got lost, and the diplomat received serious frostbite on his legs. Doctors predicted amputation, but everything worked out.
In his youth, Bismarck was an avid duelist. He took part in 27 duels and received a scar on his face in one of them.
Otto von Bismarck was once asked how he chose his profession. He replied: “I was destined by nature to become a diplomat: I was born on the first of April.”